A Charter of Freedom for Ireland

page 16

A CHARTER OF FREEDOM

FOR IRELAND

There is a growing realisation within the Republican and Socialist movements that the Irish revolutionary process is facing a new crossroads, Experience of the day-to-day struggle has ended confusion about the Anglo-Irish deal and exposed the reality of the imperialist offensive it represents, Yet despite a relatively recent mass struggle around the hunger strikes and a significant growth and political development in the republican movement, it is not they but the loyalists who are determining the terms of the debate around the deal.

The main problem is a problem of strategy and policy. The majority of those who identify the national question as a cen: tral question have been united around the Republican Movement. But these forces are themselves a minority. Our aim now must be to seek unity with all those involved in struggle against imperialism and to seek alliances with the workers’ movement, small farmers, the women's movement, youth andso on. The terms of this alliance, the comprehensive set of demands around which the Irish revolution will move forward again, is what People’s Democracy means by its call fora Freedom Charter, The terms of the Anglo-Irish deal have been analysed elsewhere in this journal. It is clear that the offensive is not based on some overwhelming strength of the imperialist and capitalist forces. In fact the deal is riddled with weakness and ambiguities. Nor is it being imposed on an ant-impenalist movement that has suffered any conclusive defeat, In fact it has emerged from a period in which it led a mass struggle which effectively defeated Britain’s ‘criminalisation’ policy, conferred intematicnal legitimacy on the freedom struggle here, led to the emergence of Sinn Fein as a significant electoral force, a growth of its organisation and a serious attempt to develop it as an organised and politically educated leadership of the oppressed.

Yet despite these gains and the relative weakness of the imp erialist offensive we are not advancing. Instead the tune is being called by loyalist bigots concemed with minor cosmetic curbs on the open expression of their sectarianism. This is no small problem. Qur abstention on this issue can only lead to weakening of the movement and to a lack of preparation for the major physical attacks that both the loyalists and the imperialists are proposing, So what is blocking the advance of the revolutionary struggle? The fact is that the Republican movement today has organised around itself the vast majority of those who see the National Question as the central issue. This represents a major force in the North - about 40% of the Nationalist population and a significant force (about 5%) in the South. The point is that it isa minority. How is it to become a majority?

The republican movement aims to unite all classes and sectors of Irish society around the demand for freedom and independ ence. This was essentially the historic achievement of the 1916 pro clamation - the ‘freedom charter’ that made the modern strugele for independence possible. But the proclamation was drawn up hurriedly and obscured many class antagonisms. Since 1916 these antagonisms have developed apace. Now we have a modern capitalist class leading a political and economic offensive against Irish workers and wedded to the interests of imperialism 1916 cannot happen again. Now we need a thoroughgoing unity between the Republicans and the workers’ movement that will fight both the imperialists and our local quislings. The history of today’s struggle shows that this can be done. At crucial paints - Bloody Sunday, the H-Block/Armagh struggle - the mass of [rish workers in the 26 Counties have moved behind the struggle and completely changed its character. This support has however been based on a general sympathy for the struggle in the North rather than an understanding of the combined nature of the struggle against imperialism.

John McAnulty. We in the anti-imperialist movement need to develop that understanding also. We need to look for unity in action, by | actively supporting struggles against austerity and cuts with the understanding that any struggle of this kind objectively has an anti-imperialist character. We need to discuss with workers to develop concrete demands for the struggle; we need to genera lise through discussion the lessons of individual struggles to produce global demands that have relevance for all workers and we need to refine these into specific demands that directly challenge the imperialist domination of our country and native capitalist collaboration within this domination.

Our own initial proposals for a freedom charter are given at the end of this article. We want to see proposals from other parties, campaign groups, trade unionists and all those struggl ing against oppression. Ideally these would come together in a mass convention of the Irish people to agree a freedom charter and map out the onward march of the Irish revolution.

Right now we need unity and openess. We need to show a willingness to start now broad discussions around a freedom charter. We need to demonstrate in action what that means: by going to trade union activists fighting the cuts, women opp osing the shoddy manipulation of their rights in the divorce tussle with the Church, youth fighting for a future, Above all we need to look to these allies in presenting our own case, and fight to bring it into the trade unions and community groups, exposing the misery and oppression caused by the British oc pation in the North and the way in which the AngloTrish deal has given Irish capitalism a direct responsibility and complicity in it The 1916 proclamation today is still so powerful a case for the legitimacy of the Irish Freedom struggle that the Dublin Government was afraid to commemorate it. It deserves to be commemorated - to be shouted from the rooftops and used to dissolve the hypocrisy and collaboration of Irish society today But we need to develop that message - a new freedom charter that recognises the sell-out of the capitalists, the new weight of the Irish working class and unites the vast majority of the oppressed in a march to victory and independence.

OUR PROPOSALS

BRITS OUT - Immediate withdrawal of all British military forces and disarming and disbandment of the RUC, UDR and of ‘Heavy gangs’ and ‘Task forces’ within the Gardai END REPRESSION - Immediate disbandment of all special courts established to ‘streamline’ justice for the state, repeal of all repressive jaws and an end fo special procedures such ax the use of paid informer evidence, SCRUB THE NATIONAL DEBT - Refuse crippling repayments to the world bank and begin a plan of state investment to build an independent economic base.

NATIONALISE THE MULTENATIONALS - end the massive fax, rates and grants subsidy to the multi-national firms paid by Irish workers - hold the resources to develop employment within a national plan, END DISCRIMINATION - Outlawing of discrimination by creed or sex. For a programme of affirmative action to redreg the mass discrimination against catholic workers in the North and women and minority groups throughout Ireland, NO IMPERIALIST ALLIANCES - No to NATO and the EEC, and to ‘Star Wars’- For a policy of solidarity with the oppress ed and those fighting for independence throughout the world