Peoples Democracy calls for a conference of republicans and socialists

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BUILD A CONFERENCE OF

SOCIALISTS AND

REPUBLICANS

The election results in the 26 ommties are not a flash in the pan. They show a real erisis of capitalist rule and a real falure of the anti-imperialist movement to address & growing radicalisation of the working class. Peoples Democracy is responding by ealling for an open confernce of Socialists and Republicans to set about the boilding of a united resistance. Below we explain why: The present governmental crisis in the 26 counties represents an historic opportunity for the anti-imperialist movement in Ireland. In part this is because of the obvious aspects of the crisis - the incoming government will carry out a renewed asuterity offensive through a weak administration riven by faction fights and squabbles. Working elass resistance, having manifested itself in the vote, will express itself ina continued fight against the cuts.

But. there are deeper reasons for seeking to realise the new opportunities that present tnemselves. In practice there is only one program put forward by capitalist parties — a program of austerity and collahoration with imperialism. The last administration had the support of all the capitalist parties in steamrollering through the cuts. Now, in the face of working class resistance, that capitalist unity has fragmented. The real Victims are Fianna Fail. For generations they have held the support of the majority of workers in the 26 counties by posing as the defenders of the national revolution. Now their support for big business and imperialism and their attacks on the working class have lost them that support. Much more significant than the overall fall in the Fianna Fail vote was the movement of votes. The tally shows a massive movement of working class votes away from Fianna Fail and their seats being saved time and again by the transfer of Fine Gael and Progressive Democrat votes. Now a Fianna Fail governent is to be preserved by the most reactionary of the capitalist parties which was itself decisively rejected at the polls.

The yoters” radicalisation and their search for a fightback led to an increased vote for the Irish Labour Party and the Workers Party. We weloome this vote as the first step in an overall fightback, but we must take into account the incapacity of both these organisations to lead a fight against austerity. Neither has an economic perspective that differs radically from their capitalist opponents. They argue about the way in which cuts are implemented - not about the need for cuts or for Irish workers to pay the debt to the imperialist banks. In fact the De Rossa leadership of the Workers Party, already far to the rignt in its support for Umionism and partition, now openly promotes “free market” solutions to the economic crisis!

But itis not in the realm of ideas that the wealmess of these organisations is met clearly seen, but in the concrete facts of the day-to-day struggle. While the parties publicly denounce the effects of the cuts, they absolutely refuse to denounce the collaboration of the trade union bureaucracy in the so-called “Programme of National

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Recovery” which is the very framework within which the cuts are made. This bureaucracy marches in step with the bosses° Government, sabotaging and witchunting those working class forces trying to fight back. Any party which refuses to challenge these misleaders of the trade union movement is incapable of leading the resistance to The danger of this failure of Jleadership becomes more acute when we see the marginalisation of Sinn Fein in the elections. This crisis of the anti-immerialist movement is made more apparent in light of the fact that real radicalisation has taken place but has passed Sinn Fein by. This is not restricted to the vote for Labour or the Workers Farty. A whole series of campaigns - on Water Tax, the rod licence, Hospital closures and eduction cuts - have taken place, often with republican participation, but without republican leadership. Most telling of all was the campaign of Paddy Ryan against Extradition. Both the defence campaign and the electoral campaign scored significant successes at a time when Sinn Fein’s om campaign was running into the sand. The Ryan campaign made gains because it had a relatively open democractic structure and came cut in opposition to Fianna Fail.

There is no doubt but that Sinn Fein completely misread the elkectoral suppeert for Fianna Fail amongst working people. At precisely the time that working class voters Were deserting Fianna Fail and looking for an alternative, the leadership of Sinn Fein were publicly speculating on support for a Fianna Fail Government if “the price is right. In this situation any prospect which Sinn Fein had of presenting itself as a radical alternative evaporated.

Peoples Democracy has consistently argued that the anti-imperialist movement can never make these sort of deals with Fianna Fail or any other capitalist party. The independence of the movement is a fundimental principle which is breached only at the price of dragging the movement. into the morass of cormiption which passes for politics in the “Free State” In our view the Republican leadership of the anti-inmperialist mvement is presently trying to have it both ways and this strategy had failed and has been seen to fail.

Now it really is time to choose between principled reliance on the power of working class struggles by working people or the Eitchen seale strategy which tries to halance revolutionary force against political pragmatism ( or opportunism to give it its real name). It is this balancing act and refusal to take a position that prevented the “66 committee from being more than a vehicle for comemmoration. The same attitude has hampered the development of the FADA movement in the South and stands between succcess and fsilure for many campaigns which today represent an active fightback by the working class. This pragmatism not only poisons discussion, it also stands as a bulwark against the united action on which different political positions could be tested.

The elections show the beginning of a realignment of Irish polities. They show a radicalisation of the working class and they show an incapacity on the part of the republican movement - as Gerry Adams has already analysed - to take the leadership of that radicalisation and even a failure of their attempts to develop new political Strategies. The struggle as a whole can no longer wait - it must begin to move forward and fight for the leadership of the struggle in the South. It is against this background that Feoples Democracy are calling for a conference of Republicans and Socialists for May 1990. Building such a conference will be a difficult task for all anti-imperialists at a time when the imperialist offensive is intensifying. But it is a crucial task which shouid be taken up by all anti-imperialist organisations if the 20th anniversary of the denlovment of British troops is to be used to launch 4 real renewal of the strugele.

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That's why today we are calling o all individual militants - inside and outside the political parties - to agitate and build for an open conference, We look to individuals, groups, parties and campaigns to publicise the conference. to plan and build it and te organise throughout Ireland to make it a suceess and give it the authority to move the stniggle forward.

At this early stage we do not wish to set limits on the direction of the conference, but neither will we attend with empty hands. In the view of Peoples Democracy the conterence should: *Qppose austerity and imperialist control] of the economy *Stand for and end to collahoration and Britain aut of Ireland *Fight for a secular society and the rights of women Oppose the “Social peace” of the trade union buresucracy and fight for democracy in the workers movement. More important than the range of slogans will be the kind of movement we set up.

Peoples Democracy will argue for a \Wnited Front structure - an open democratic framework which allows representation from organisations, campaigns, groups and individuals who support its program and are willing to unite in action to advance its aims. This open democratic structure must include the right to express views on the armed struggle. The political struggle we are propesing will not take place in a vacuum, and for the movement to have its owm ‘section 31° would be a recipe for disaster. There is 4 growing protest and resistance in the 26 counties which can only fully develop and be successful if it is linked to the struggle in the 6 counties and if anti-imperialists fight for the leadership. We should begin by uniting our own movement.

BUILD THE CONFERENCE!

BUILD THE STRUGGLE!

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| DEMOCRACY AND FIGHTING FOR A 32 COUNTY |

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THE FIGHT!

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Conway Mill Joe Harrington Falis Road 109 GO’ Malley Park BELFAST 12 Limerick

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