CHAPTER EIGHT: DO THE IRISH WANT INDEPENDENCE?

west. For it to win this referendum will be a major step towards imposing a catastrophic defeat on the Labour Party.

And it can never be ignored that a military attack could be made to prevent a Labour Government in Ireland. It may come from the Irish Army (as in Greece) or from abroad (as in San Domingo, Cuba, or Vietnam). The latter possibility is likely to increase with foreign investment in Ireland.

All this can be defeated. It is no more than has been defeated elsewhere. It is for the Irish to decide that it should.

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CHAPTER EIGHT

DO THEIRISH WANTINDEPENDENCE?

If we are intelligent, alert and undaunted, then life will be much better, more generous, more spontaneous, more vital, less basely materialistic, If we fall into a state of funk, impotence and persecution, then things may be very much worse than they are now. It is up to us. D.H. Lawrence: The State of Funk.

It seems inevitable, now, that one of the two islands off the north-west coast of Europe would exploit the other. In the event, the development of European Feudalism ensured that the larger would exploit the smaller. The rise of capitalism rationalized the exploitation. The Union gave it ultimate political expression.

Thus the struggle for Irish independence was fought in several spheres. Politically, the nation had to fight against its fate being decided as a part of the politics of Great Britain. Religiously, it had to oppose discrimination against the majority of its population. Culturally, it had to oppose the replacement of its language by that of its exploiter. Economically, it had to oppose the export of most of its surplus value, and the reduction of that value by loaned terms of trade. But this struggle remained one fought within each sphere as though that one was unrelated to the others. The national leadership oscillatec between the four aims. As a result, only the religious one was achieved, the cultural ideal seems lost, the economic ideal was compromised and the political ideal, on which in the last resort, the possibilities of the others rested, was saved from immediate compromise only by the refusal of the conservatives and Unionists to give way.

In the result, the political expression of the Irish nation proved to be both more and less than had been expected in 1912. On the one hand, the national reality was recognized far more effectively than ‘Home Rule’ could have done. On the other hand, it was recognized only for twenty-six of Ireland’s thirty-two counties.

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Thus British imperialism continued to rule through Ireland’s divisions. Politically, the country remained partitioned. Culturally, its provinciality developed apace. Economically, British exploitation remained. To be fair to the new Nationalists, they recognized a relationship between the spheres and tried to explain it. Unfortunately, their explanations remained for the public essentially political. Thus, especially after 1938, they failed to convince the Irish people, as a whole. This is not surprising; partition exists because similar explanations failed to convince the Protestants of Ulster. For them the Union settlement had meant freedom. Admittedly it was a singularly unpleasant type of freedom, such as could be described as such only by reference to their Catholic neighbours.

Nonetheless, the Protestants did so refer to it. Accordingly, to preserve this situation, Northern Ireland was established. So, too, it has been maintained on the support of two-thirds of its population ever since. Against this fact, talk of British Armies of Occupation and the United Irish Nation is irrelevant.

The Northern Irish situation relates to that of the Republic in this much: in both the population are satisfied with the political status quo. The Irish of the Republic may mourn the six counties: some may try to regain them by force. But the existing political settlement can be made an issue only by subordinating it to the economic position. This is not surprising. There is no doubt that the Republic of Ireland is exploited by Britain. There is no doubt, either, that the Northern Ireland economy is suffering from the continuance of the Union, even if (and this is uncertain) not directly exploited.

But, in Ireland, the fact of neo-colonialism has taken on a form peculiar to itself. There are no dictators of the obnoxiousness of Ky or Batista. Instead there is, in the Republic, a bourgeois democratic constitution equal to any, and, in Northern Ireland, a bourgeois democracy, albeit a twisted one. The farmers are not fighting the landlords. Indeed their problems are now such that many of their self-styled friends are suggesting that native landlords might usefully be encouraged. Ireland’s home exploiters are bourgeois rather than genteel. Native industry has been expended to a greater extent than in other neo-colonies. Foreign policy gives the appearance of independence. There is no lumpen-proletariat of a scale comparable to those of the shanty suburbs of the Third World.

Thus, the contradictions of neo-colonialism take a different form in Ireland (including — other than as regards foreign policy — 'Northern Ireland) than elsewhere. In each of the Irish semi-na- 219

tions the internal situation has much in common with that of a metropolitan capitalist state.

Yet the reality remains neo-colonialist. More than since before the Treaty the Irish economy is organized to supply external interests. For this reason ‘Social Democracy’ (the ideology of benevolent bureaucracy) would be an even greater failure in Ireland than it has been elsewhere. Its one hope would be that it could carry out the radical reforms such as would shake the establishment, but this includes the bureaucracy itself. For the establishment is better off, on the whole, as agent for international capitalism than it would be as organizer of its own brand.

Nor can entry to the E.E.C. help solve Ireland’s economic problems. Admittedly, such a move carried out swiftly and unilaterally, would ‘break the connection with Britain’. However, in the first place such could not be done under the present establishment: Britain is its link with international capitalism. In the second place, as far as the Republic of Ireland is concerned, the E.E.C, is only likely to be a bigger, and doubtfully, better, Britain. There can be, in practice, little, if any, expansion of the market in Ireland’s chief exports. There is little provision for the common upgrading of west European social welfare and, as a result, little has been done towards that end. Politically, and economically Ireland is weaker than any state in, or soon likely to be in, the Community. Above all, the E.E.C. is, despite Gaullism, only marginally less economically subject to America than is Britain. In fact, Ireland’s most definite hope is that it may not be worth the Community’s while to admit the Republic to full membership.

But programmes of European Social Democracy will be supported by the Irish people for want of anything better. Republican opposition concentrates on one issue, entry to Europe, from which it develops a programme of Republican Social Democracy. But, since 1938, the immediate enemy has been, not the foreigner, but his agents at home, the employers, flanked by altar and filing cabinet. Though entry to the E.E.C. should be opposed (especially, and most probably succesfully, if threatening neutrality), the fuel for radical change is most likely to be provided by the home impositions of the Irish Establishment. Outstanding examples thereof are the anti-trade union laws operating in Northern Ireland and being prepared in the Republic. These should be opposed totally, even against potentially compromising Labour leaders, in the name of the Workers’ Republic.

What will that be? Is it Socialism? Would it not be more accurate to call it the ‘people’s’ or ‘workers’ and ‘peasants’ Republic’?

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To answer the last question first, the ‘peasants’ got ‘their’ republic, finally, in the 1930’s, and it hasn’t been much good to them. Their various movements of dissatisfaction — constructive and destructive — have revolutionary potential only indirectly: they shake the status quo, but cannot topple it. Their best hope lies in their increasing proletarianization: in the fact, revealed by the Irish Times Agricultural Correspondent (30/5/68) that increasing numbers of small farmers are taking part-time jobs. For the rest, in a revolutionary situation they must be neutralized. That is all that can be expected from them immediately, though a minority (centred on the free collectives) may be expected to become actively progressive and the small farmers’ land hunger may yet be used to this effect, as Sinn Fein’s Seamus Costello is hoping. In return, a Workers’ Republic will ease the way for large scale collectivization: the small farmers’ truest hope.

Will the Workers’ Republic be Socialist? That depends on one’s definition of Socialism. One can say that monopoly control of state (i.e., armed) power will be held by the workers of the towns and the workers and working-farmers of the countryside. One can say that members of these classes will control their means of income and the education of their children. The forms in which this will be done would need another book to describe. In the fullest sense, it won’t be ‘Socialism’, but, then, that will only appear as the last stage of social development but one and on an international scale. Of course the present opportunity may be missed. Entry to the E.E.C. may be a fait accompli before anything can be done. Even sO, it is likely merely to intensify the contradictions in Irish society and thus, either to destroy it finally, or to create new and better opportunities to force its reform. This may take place in alliance with ‘Socialist’ parties of the sub-continent. Judging by the past activities of such bodies, more rewarding activity is likely to occur in conjunction with a renunciation of the Treaty of Rome — no government action can be as irrevocable as entry to the E.E.C.

is said to be. But, in the long run, the Workers’ Republic can be maintained and developed progressively only by alliance with other independent states among the developing, or, less likely, with the true Socialists in the European left.

But the answer remains with the working-people of Ireland. Do they want independence? As independence has been presented to them for thirty years? No! As allied with greater individual and class freedom... There is still an Irish Question.

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EPILOGUE

SEPTEMBER 1968-JULY 1969

The author made the final corrections to his typescript in September, 1968. He corrected the proofs in July 1969. In the meantime, there has been no qualitative change. However, within the situation, certain quantitative developments have occurred such as may start such an alteration.

They arise from the continuance of the economic status quo described in the previous chapters. The results of the Anglo-Irish Free Trade Area can be seen in the steady revival of economic bonds between the countries involved. Lynch has stated, without any show of embarrassment, that ‘the Anglo-Irish Free Trade Agreement is now the framework within which our trade is carried on’. Between 1967 and 1968 Ireland rose from being the ninth largest to being the fifth largest importer of British goods.

When once again Britain found it necessary to surcharge imports, the combined Irish banks offered a subsidy of £25,000,000 to carry Irish exports thither for six months. No one is really surprised that the trade cycle is now, once again, on the up-turn; though unemployment is falling slightly, the trade gap is widening. The Third Programme (published in March 1969) offers little to improve matters; its chief innovation on its predecessors is its plan for an incomes and prices board possessing uncertain powers.

This has had an important effect. To prevent its achievement, the trade union leadership has increased its policy of appeasing the bourgeois powers. Utterances against unofficial strikes have increased. The president of the I.C.T.U. for 1968-1969, James Dunne, encouraged members of his Marine, Port and General Workers’ Union to break public solidarity with maintenance craftsmen when these came out on strike for higher wages. In these circumstances, it is not surprising that the Government felt able, as one of the last acts of the Eighteenth Dail, to repeal its own coercive law against strikes in the E.S.B.

This may have had a contributory effect to the major political 222

event of the past nine months in the twenty-six counties: the recovery of Fianna Fail from its defeat in the Referendum, and its victory in the general election in June 1969. Other contributory factors included the old trick of carrying out unpopular financial measures early, thus enabling the passing of a good, ‘election’ budget and, of course, the re-arrangement of constituency boundaries before the day. However, the basic factors are to be traced in the results of the three parties involved and provide a useful commentary on the analyses in Chapter VII.

Fianna Fail gained some 4,000 votes. Although it actually lost a seat from its total at the end of the Eighteenth Dail, it was returned to power with seventy-five: three more than it was given in 1965. ‘Jack’ Lynch has graduated from being Ireland’s Douglas- Home to being Ireland’s Stanley Baldwin.

It is perfectly true that, had the two opposition parties ganged up, they might have been able to replace one bourgeois Government with another. But this assumes that all those who voted Fine Gael or Labour as separate entities would have been equally ready to vote for them as potential coalition partners. There is no immediate alternative to Fianna Fail. But one should not look for one except insofar as it provides an alternative to Irish capitalism.

As long as this exists, Fianna Fail has as good a claim to rule as any other body, and better than some.

The real failure of the contest was Labour’s. It failed to see Fine Gael humiliated. The latter gained 23,000 votes and three seats; its triumph was to survive and nothing more. The seats it gained were mainly from Independents or had been newly created in suburban areas. It actually lost in Dublin City and west of the Shannon; worker enthusiasm for the ‘Just Society’ did not materialize. Thus Fine Gael has two chances of power, neither of them very probable. It can try again to patch up an alliance with Labour or it can return to its Fascist beginning (individual members can, of course, prosper by leaving it). The signs are that it will do the latter. At the first session of the new Dail, O’Higgins attacked the Labour Party in bitter terms. A week later, Ryan commented on Declan Costello in a manner that would have been unthinkable in 1965. Only FitzGerald (now a Deputy) still seems to be ready to try to raise the drooping banner of Fine Gael ‘leftism’; it is doubtful how long he will continue this politically unrewarding task.

But Fine Gael can only triumph as the vanguard of reaction if the Labour Party allows it. Whether it does so or not is still an open question. 223

In the general election, Labour gained 30,000 votes, but only held the same number of seats that it had held at the end of the previous Dail, a reduction of four from the twenty-two it had received in 1965. : This achievement was the result of the balance of forces within the party..So far the left wing has been able to block any tendency towards a new coalition. It has not yet been able to achieve for Labour (except in education) a policy qualitatively different to that which an Inter-Party Government would carry out. Even Connolly’s demand “The Workers’ Republic’ has been effectively jettisoned in favour of the ‘New Republic’, a totally meaningless slogan; Hitler made a ‘New Republic’ in his time. The result of this is that the party has to bear a policy with the same defects as are possessed by “The Just Society’. But there is one more; the policy and its sponsors use a Socialst rhetoric that is unknown to Fine Gael but which can have no connection with ‘The New Republic’ and which can thus only frighten, rather than educate, the electorate. (For a further critique of “The New Republic’ see Feargus McArt’s ‘Labour’s Scabby Programme’ in Workers’ Republic No. 23, Spring 1969). This irrationality did no more than reflect the gutlessness of the contemporary trade union bureaucrats. At the same time, the party attracted to itself a number of prominent personalities of the left (notably Cruise O’Brien, Justin Keating, and David Thornley) and of the right (Rickard Deasy, ex-President of the N.F.A.).

In these circumstances, Labour’s electoral failure was natural.

Some commentators have pointed to its fiascos west of the Shannon as reflecting the need for a better small farm policy, but even in Dublin more seats could have been gained had a rational answer to the Irish question been put before the public. True, the immediacy of the election reduced the time available for education; even so, with a policy on which to base such education there is no reason to suppose that Labour’s gain in votes would not have exceeded the 50,000 increase of 1965; certainly it would have provided for future expansion. As it was, the celebrities made up for the defeats (with one exception: Deasy’s anti-Labour speeches were too well remembered to let him be returned for his new party). It is doubtful whether excellence in the Dail is really a substitute for mass support in the country, for any Socialist party that seeks power. Whilst politics in the twenty-six counties have developed with little real change from the position in September 1968, the state of affairs in Nothern Ireland has altered far more. The discrediting, 224

in turn, of the LR.A., of the different parties of the Labour movement and of the ‘new liberal’ Unionism of Terence O’Neill as well as the European risings of May 1968, stimulated a situation comparable to that of ‘The New Departure’. Political action went into the streets through a mass movement for ‘civil rights’, which meant, at first, what in other states would be a very limited measure for civil liberty but what, in Nothern Ireland would be political psychiatric treatment. In turn, this stimulated violent opposition from the Colon-Fascist elements with whose help the régime had been founded, but whom it now felt able to ignore.

So far, the Nothern Ireland Civil Rights Alliance has been doing better than its original stated aims. A Nothern Irish Ombudsman has been appointed; a points system for local government housing is being encouraged; the end of the property franchise in local government is in sight. Politically, agitation and counteragitation have resulted in the overthrow of one cabinet and the election to Westminster of the first non-Unionist M.P. for Mid- Ulster, since 1956. That there are objections to all this cannot be denied. It is true as certain Mao-ites have pointed out that the economic reason for Unionism (the free British market) is now little different from that of the national bourgeoisie of the Republic and that the traditional sectarian discipline of northern industry is a handicap to technological development. Thus the civil liberties demands benefit objectively the Unionist bosses. However, there is no reason to presume that this (the basis for O’Neill liberalism) will mean any change in the colonial status of Northern Ireland, unless the Republic returns to ‘Home Rule’, Britain cuts its welfare subsidies to the Irish level or there is a wider settlement based on the common market. Welfare levels rather than religion divides north and south, despite their local oligarchs and Britain will not lose its bases by cutting subsidies. Secondly the after-effects of Orange tactics have been stimulated into inspiring a strong Colon-Fascist movement centred on Ian Paisley; this provides a counter-balance to civil rights affecting Unionist policy. A draconian revision of the Public Order Act has been introduced as well as civil liberty measures; O’Neill has had to resign. But Paisley is only likely to become a serious contender for state power if the left-wing (People’s Democracy’) of the Civil Rights movement which recognizes, confusedly, that the problem goes beyond civil liberties becomes a serious threat, rather than a nuisance.

For the future in Nothern Ireland, there are, thus, three main possibilities. The most likely one is that the liberal Unionists and Fa be

the conservative (civil liberty) civil rightists will be united at the time of the next general election; their objective interests are those of Northern Ireland capitalism: even more, of its British masters. The next possibility is that the People’s Democracy will influence enough to become a threat but not enough to take power; as yet, it is too opportunist and superficial in its theory, at a time when clarity of analysis of vital importance. Its failure would mean a Paisleyite dictatorship. Nothing can be expected from Britain, or (until too late) the Republic in such a case. The least likely, as yet, is that the People’s Democracy overcomes its internal weaknesses and achieves state power under the slogan of ‘The Northern Irish Workers’ Republic’ (fully independent of Britain). In such a case (to paraphrase James Connolly) ‘Northern Ireland may yet set the torch to a European conflagration that will not burn out until the last throne and the last capitalist bond and debenture will be shrivelled on the funeral pyre of the last war lord’. 226

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APPENDIX

MEMORANDUM FORA SOCIALIST

PROGRAMME FOR THE IRISH LABOUR

PARTY

The People have voted Sinn Fein; we must teach them what Sinn Fein is — Fr Michael O’Flanagan, after the 1918 General Election.

The East Limerick bye-election results is a tribute to hard work and a good candidate, in a contest in which large numbers of people are seeking a qualitatively more radical alternative to the present situation. This fact focuses a light on the major gap in the Labour Party at present; the absence of clarity in the posing of that alternative. Mr Michael Lipper, the Labour Candidate in East Limerick is said to regard Socialism as a matter of ‘more housing, health and welfare services and employment’, Whatever one’s feelings, one must recognize that this alone cannot provide a total policy for a Socialist Government, Unfortunately, it is also true that this has not been understood by past Labour leaders. Irish Social Democracy is arguably the most opportunist (and, hence amongst the least successful) in the world to-day. The promotion of a programme for it provides the opportunity for ending this state of affairs. What are we trying to avoid? The opportunist attitude is a natural one in the light of Irish history, which has more than its fair share of political revolutions, and less than its fair share of social ones. Generally speaking, its advocates consider (or act as if they considered ) that social defects, are, in fact, governmental ones.

This concept tends to mean, in practice, that a change of Government must mean a qualitative change in society. From this, it is a natural development to inter-Partyism and to the attitude typified by Bernstein’s “The aims are nothing, the movement is everything’. As a matter of fact, the assumption could not be further from the truth. A change in Government will only mean a qualitative change in society if the new body has the determination and scientific knowledge necessary to that change. A Government that pe

limits itself to change (however far-reaching) in the social superstructure is likely to find itself prevented by the infrastructure trom carrying out similar plans later on.

The weakness of Irish society must be seen as a whole. This means recognizing the class nature of the said society both within itself and within the context of imperialism.

Ireland is a neo-colony in a North Atlantic context. This is to say that, whereas the Irish geo-position is neo-colonial (it is exploited by Britain in an imperialist manner) it shares with the imperialist and declining imperialist powers certain internal structural peculiarities that distinguishes it from states of a similar kind elsewhere. Irish subordination to imperialism developed differently from the subordination of other states because it developed more slowly. Its basic form was settled in the earliest stages of the imperialist epoch (c. 1881) and in a manner that enabled its capitalists to act as partners in imperialist exploitation at the same time as their country was one of its victims. Ireland’s importance to world capi- -talism is, traditionally, that of a seller of primary products on inferior terms, rather than as a centre of investment (though the liquidation of certain Irish sources of investment did imperil its primary role for a time). Judged in terms of capital movements, Ireland is, in fact, a creditor country.

All this has helped ensure that Ireland is part of the North Atlantic World in its social superstructure as in its geographical position within the world economy to be that of the classic imperial bourgeois democracy. The agrarian question is solved effectively if inadequately. There is no lumpenproletariat comparable to that of the shanty towns of Afro-Asia and Latin America. These facts must be remembered in any attack that is to be mounted on imperialism through Ireland. The prospects for such an attack are as good as they have ever been. The increasing contradictions of imperialism: overproduction, chaotic investment, its counter-balancing by national and so- Cialistic movements have led to its enforced contraction against its need for expansion. A higher rate of exploitation has to be imposed on the areas that are still subordinate. Irish (twenty-six county) capitalism which was able in the second quarter of the twentieth century, to pose as an independent unit, finds its position within the world economy to be that of the classic imperial fief. The Control of Manufactures Acts are repealed; self-sufficiency is renounced. Irish capitalism as a whole approaches the ‘Quisling’ phase that was once limited to six of the island’s counties.

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The essential preconditions for ‘Quisling-ism’ are these: an increasing subordination to imperalism under cover of a cosmopolitan first part of this is obvious at all levels. The internal repression deserves a greater amount of analysis.

The status quo of the treaty settlement has been maintained through an alliance of elites: altar, till and filing cabinet. Irish capitalism, unable to exist without its external connections, has - found itself similarly unprepared for a clear dominance of the internal scene. Religion in Ireland has been able to fulfil its duty as dope for the masses even to the point where it limits the efficiency of productive techniques. The bureaucracy’s powers are little changed since the Union: in certain matters, such as local government, they have been increased.

However, as the pressures on and within imperialism, have increased; so have the external pressures on Irish capitalism and, so, too, have the strains on the relationship between the component interests of the Irish establishment, The Church’s dominance of education is now proving a serious handicap to technical advancement. The bureaucracy sees the means of Irish economic salvation as being in the bureaucratic plan co-ordinated with the officialdom of Western Europe. Irish capitalists have, naturally, been able to enforce against this their ideals of greater anarchy, and closer ties with monopoly capital. These disagreements are further complicated by the fact that no member of the ruling elite is prepared to push them to a crisis. The three bodies must still be allies against their exploitees. Hence the power of the Church is attacked in the realm of censorship and in the university question (indirectly) but in primary education only on administrative aspects. Hence the Government has to pay lipservice to entry to the E.E.C. and to ‘Planning’ although it cannot enter the first without Britain nor can it operate the second while it accepts the neo-Colonial logic of its capitalism.

In the six counties, matters are quantitatively different. In the first place, the regime there has always been one of a Quisling nature. In the second place, religious influence in Northern Ireland is of an hegemonic rather than an institutional, monolithic, nature. The regime is maintained by a religious hostility to the monolithic church of what, in the six counties, is the minority.

This being said, the stresses of the north-eastern establishment are qualitatively the same as those in the Republic. There is evidence of disagreements between bourgeois and bureaucrat. At the same time, the increasing need for external capital forces the regime, more than ever before, to tone down the cruder evidences 229

of the real nature of its power.

Thus both sides of the border, the Irish establishment is developing within itself more serious contradictions than before. At the same time, the forces are being strengthened for an effective attack on it. There has been a steady contraction operating amongst the petty bourgeoisie both of the towns (smaller businessmen) and of the country (gombeenmen and small farmers). There has been an equally steady growth of the proletariat. It would be wrong to declare that this has led to a qualitative change in the composition of Irish society over the past forty years. What is frue is that it is one factor making for a qualitative change in Irish social aspirations. The tradesman is finding it more difficult than before to set up on his own: the small farmer is being offered a choice of changes: he can take a proletarian job, live off the dole, join a co-operative or emigrate. Although the petty bourgeois survives, his hopes are dying. It has been these hopes that have distracted the Irish left from success in liberating the exploited classes.

Yet if the objective prospects are good, there is one omission from them that weakens their significance. Nowhere is there any immediate prospect of a force appearing capable of developing the new discontent and exposing the regime’s contradictions so as to establish the thirty-two county workers’ republic. The political Labour movement is divided both in its right (majority) wing (the Labour parties) and its minority (Stalinist)wing, along the line of the border. The Republican Movement is not so split and it is showing increasing and welcome signs of Socialist feeling, but it is still, as yet, Left Opportunist and there is reason to fear that it will never develop beyond this stage. Above all, no Irish body has presented a serious scientific analysis of the Irish situation as a whole in its present phase. The so-called theoreticians of the Irish left think that by quoting Connolly they are somehow reincarnating him. In practice, few, if any, of them even match the stature of the late William Walker. Were there any prospect of it being put into operation, the first proposal of this programme would be to burn all Irish political writing of the past fifty-odd years.

In this political desert, the need for clarity in analysis to back energy in action cannot be restated too often. It is claimed that the following ten proposals are based on such analysis the fruits of which have been presented already.

Certain points about them must be made. In the first place the policy we are presenting is a war policy geared to an immediate task: the destruction of Irish capitalism and its imperialist links.

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That this will take a considerable effort is recognized. Accordingly, the programme does not include economic plans or promises for increases in welfare or in economic growth. Rather it recognizes that the only pre-condition for the secure fulfilment of such schemes is the establishment of the Workers’ Republic by the policy outlined. ; In the second place, this programme is put forward primarily for discussion within the Irish Labour Party. That this is done makes no concessions to the idea of that party’s Socialism; it merely recognizes that it is the largest explicitly proletarian-based party in the country. This gives us the immediate chance of the largest possible support both within the party and (because of the greater publicity afforded the party) outside it. However, it does not give us the right to renounce our duty to break with it when it is obvious that it is acting as a brake on the development of Irish Socialism. The first call on anyone drawing up a Socialist programme must be to insure its protection and the means to achieve it against any bourgeois opposition.

We are of course, aware of the present actions of the Irish Republican Army in the first field, at least. However, we are also aware that this body has carried out such tactics on previous OcCasions (as in the 1930’s) subsequent to equivalent periods of social quiescence. The fact is that the national issue does not necessarily provide a sufficient motivation for ensuring the destruction of imperialism. The Irish working class per se must have its own militia for it to use in its own interests even despite the subjective demands of the petty-bourgeoisie of the Republican movement.

Accordingly, we demand as the first proposal of our policy: ‘That the Council of Labour sponsor a thirty-two counties Citizen Army to support all working-class and objectively anti-imperialist activities whenever they require such support and to provide the basis for the destruction of the bourgeois state machine north and south; that if the council of Irish Labour fail to agree to take this course within a year, the Irish Labour Party do so unilateral- > ly’. Secondly, in order to ensure that the workers state power be uninvolved with imperialist links whether at home or abroad we demand: — ‘That all secrets now kept by the bourgeois state powers be made public; and that the Special Branch be abolished’, Thirdly we insist that the workers’ republic represent as democratic a regime as has ever been known. To ensure this, without 231

jeopardizing its existence, we propose:— ‘That control of fire arms be restructed to workers (other than known class-traitors) and party and Citizen Army members. That, this being done, the initiative (or spontaneous grass-roots legislative power) be a recognized part of the state machine, that all public officials and representatives be subject to recall for reelection/appointment by the electorate, that local elections be held annually; that all bye-elections involve all representatives for the electoral area concerned; that co-option for local councils be ended, and that all public privileges at present based on property be open to all’. The above proposals cover by themselves, a limited field. Their importance is really as protection for the social changes that must be enacted with them. Our first demands in this broader sphere of qualitative social changes are for the clearing away of the hangover of feudalism in Ireland and for the improving thereby of the objective conditions for rural living and environment planning.

We therefore make two demands ‘For the nationalization of all ground, river and sea rights, without compensation and the transference of all such rents to the state’ ‘For the nationalization and collectivization of all estates over a certain viability figure’ In putting forward these demands (and also the following) we give our full support to all spontaneous attempts to anticipate them. The above statement also applies to our demands in the industrial sphere. Here clear recognition of the needs of the situation is essential.

In place of the rule of thumb proposals for nationalization of ‘the commanding heights of the economy’ of ‘industries failing the nation’ (to a Socialist private enterprise as such has failed the nation) on the one hand of the picking out of certain obviously unpopular firms (such as in milling) for expropriation on the other, we offer certain basic criteria for the task.

In the first place, we appreciate that the present centres of imperialist influence (the banks, insurance companies and other credit bodies and all foreign firms) must be eliminated.

In the second sphere we recognize the necessity for a state monopoly of Ireland’s traditional economic connections with the world market (the exporting firms and agencies).

Thirdly, we note that even after the above, there will still remain certain strongholds of capitalism in Ireland. In the present 232

epoch, these can only act as an economic fifth column. Accordingly it will be necessary to nationalize the fifty largest Irish private firms and all transport, power and public utility and service firms. Thus we propose:— ‘That the following categories of company be nationalized: 1. All banks, insurance companies, building societies and other major suppliers of and dealers in credit.

2. All remaining private transport and carriage power, public utility and service firms.

3. All foreign companies operating or registered in Ireland.

4. Alle exporting companies and agencies.

5. The fifty largest Irish companies.’

However, the form of nationalization is as important as its fact.

Bureaucratic interests must not be allowed to develop within the workers’ state machine. At the same time, the remaining private firms must have their potentialities as centres of opposition to Socialism curbed. To this end, we put forward the following: — ‘That all nationalized concerns be placed under the management of their workers and that in all private firms the workers should be given a measure of control over the books’.

These structural alternations in Irish society cannot by themselves dictate the form of the policies to be pursued within the new structure. However certain demands must be made if the basic advantages presented by the change are to be immediately and fully taken. ; The problem of unemployment cannot be eliminated promptly by traditional capitalist means, even in a workers’ social structure, but such a structure can be used to eliminate unemployment by means unavilable to the capitalist state.

Similarly, the general forms of wages, salaries, pensions and welfare benefits cannot be ended with the removal of imperialist influences, but the ending of such pressures does provide the opportunity for rationalizing these payments in a just manner.

Accordingly we urge: — ‘That to avoid unemployment, a sliding scale of wages and hours be instituted subject to a minimum rate, neither to discriminate between the sexes’. 233

‘That all pensions and other welfare benefits be geared to the new wage structure; that education be free to the highest level and a free National Health Service be instituted’ — Finally, if the Workers’ Republic is ‘to maintain its position, the hostile role of religion must be recognized and neutralized. The most definite reform in this sphere must be the giving of the schools to the people (which is no more than Connolly was demanding in 1896): Accordingly, we demand: ‘That all schools be under direct control of the local councils’ It is only acceptance of the above demands that will ensure the Workers’ Republic in Ireland.

D. Rayner O’C Lysaght 2/7/68 ‘15 Hume Street, Dublin 2.

234

—— en — EE mM eT —— se ey

BIBLIOGRAPHY

(Note: Books listed under the heading-of one part of a Chapter may have a significence for a later part) J. C. Beckett: The Making of Modern Ireland, Faber & Faber, 1966.

J. C. Beckett: A Short History of Ireland, Hutchinson, 1952.

John F. Burke: Outlines of the Industrial History of Ireland, Browne & Nolan, 1940. K. H. Connell: The Population of Ireland — 1750-1845, Clarendon Press, 1950. James Connolly: Labour in Ireland, Three Candles Press, 1948.

Raymond Crotty: Irish Agricultural Production: Its Volume & Structure, 1967. E. Curtis: A History of Ireland, Methuen, 1937.

Maire & Liam de Paor: Early Christian Ireland, Thames & Hudson, 1958. Patrick Lynch & John Vaizey: Guinness’s Brewery in the IrishEconomy, Cambridge University Press, 1960.

R. B. MacDowell: The Irish Administration 1801-1914, Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1912. Eoin MacNeill: Early Irish Laws & Institutions, Burns Oate, 1935.

Nicholas Mansergh: The Irish Question, 1840-1921, Allen & Unwin, 1965. R. Barry O’Brien: Dublin Castle & the Irish People, Kegan Paul, 1912.

Brian’ O’Neill: The War for the Land in Ireland, Martin Lawrence, 1933. P. S. O’Hegarty: A History of Ireland under the Union 1801-1921, Methuen, 1952. E. Strauss: Irish Nationalism & British Democracy, Methuen, 1951.

CHAPTER II. PART I

J. C. Beckett: The Making of Modern Ireland, Faber & Faber, 1966.

John Boyle (ed): Leaders & Workers, Mercier, 1964.

James Connolly: Labour in Ireland, Three Candles Press, 1948.

Stephen Gwynn: Ireland, Benn, 1924.

J. J. Horgan: Parnell to Pearse, Browne & Nolan, 1946.

F. S. L. Lyons: The Irish Parliamentary Party 1890-1910, Faber, 1951.

Bob Mitchell: ‘The Fenians, Rise & Decline’ in the Workers’ Republic, Midsummer 1967. 235

T. W. Moody: ‘Michael Davitt’ in Studies, June 1946.

Conor Cruise O’Brien: Parnell & His Party, Clarendon Press, 1957.

Conor Cruise O’Brien (ed): The Shaping of Modern Ireland, Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1960.

P. S. O’Hegarty: A History of Ireland under the Union 1801-1921, Methuen, 1952. D. D. Sheehan: Ireland Since Parnell, O’Connor, 1921.

F. Sheehy Skeffington: Michael Davitt, Unwin, 1908.

E. Strauss: Irish Nationalism & British Democracy, Methuen, 1951.

PART II

Conrad Arensberg: The Irish Countryman, Macmillan, 1937.

K. H. Connell: The Population of Ireland, 1750-1845, Clarendon Press, 1950 Raymond Crotty: Irish Agricultural Production-Its Volume & Structure. Margaret Digby: Horace Plunkett, Blackwell, 1949.

T. W. Freeman: Ireland, Methuen, 1960.

Patrick Gallagher: My Story - by Paddy ‘the Cope’, Cape, 1939.

Patrick Lynch & John Vaizey: Guinness’s Brewery in the Irish Economy, Cambridge University Press, 1960.

Brian O’Neill: The War for the Land in Ireland, Martin Lawrence, 1933. Horace Plunkett: /reland in the New Century, Murray, 1904.

John E. Pomfret: The Struggle for Land in Ireland, Princeton University Press, 1923. George Russell (42): Co-operation & Nationality, Maunsel, 1912.

Redcliffe N. Salaman: The History & Social Influence of the Potato, Cambridge University Press, 1949.

PART III

John Boyle: The Irish Labour Movement, 1889-1907, (thesis) 1958, Trinity College, Dublin. J. Dunsmore Clarkson: Labour & Nationalism in Ireland, Columbia University Press, 1925. Moirin Chavasse: Terence MacSwiney, Clonmore & Reynolds, 1961.

Padraic Colum: Arthur Griffith, Browne & Nolan, 1960.

James Connolly: Erin’s Hope: The End and the Means, Irish Socialist Republican Party, 1897. 236

————eE— <x o.,,rt( itl James Connolly: Labour & Easter Week (collection), Three Candles Press, 1949. James Connolly: The New Evangel, Socialist Party of Ireland, 1917.

James Connolly: Socialism & Nationalism (collection), Three Candles Press 1948. James Connolly: Socialism Made Easy, New Writers Press, 1968.

James Connolly: The Workers’ Republic (collection), Three Candles Press, 1951. Constitution of the National Council of Sinn Fein, 1907.

Joseph Deasy: Fiery Cross, The Story of Jim Larkin, New Books Publications, 1963. R. M. Fox: Jim Larkin, “The Kerryman’, 1957, C. Desmond Greaves: The Life & Times of James Connolly. Lawrence & Wishart, 1960. Arthur Griffith: Economic Salvation (collection), Whelan, 1957.

Arthur Griffith: How Ireland is Taxed, National Council, 1907.

Arthur Griffith: Pitt’s Policy, Whelan, 1918.

Arthur Griffith: The Resurrection of Hungary, James Duffy, 1904.

‘Arthur Griffith: The Slave Mind, Irish Progressive League, 1911.

R. M. Henry: The Evolution of Sinn Fein, Talbot Press, 1920.

Emmett Larkin: James Larkin, Irish Labour Leader, Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1965. G. A. Lyons: Some Recollection of Griffith & his Times, Talbot Press, 1923.

PART IV

John F. Burke: Outlines of the Industrial History of Ireland, Browne & Nolan, 1940. The Earl of Dunraven & William O’Brien: The All for Ireland League, its History and its Platford, Guy, 1910.

General Rules of the Ancient Order of Hibernians Friendly Society, ‘Irish News’, 1907. F. G. Hall: The History of the Bank of Ireland, Blackwell, 1949.

J. J. Horgan: Home Rule, A Critical Consideration, Maunsel, 1911.

Robert Kane: Industrial Resources of Ireland, Hodges & Smith, 1844.

Thomas M. Kettle: ‘Economics of Nationalism’ in The Days’ Burden, Maunsell. D. P. Moran: Philosophy of Irish Ireland, Duffy, 1905.

National Agricultural and Industrial Associations: 1905-1935, N.A. li.

A, 1935, 237

a —

PART V

John Collins & Desmond Roche: Local Government, Institute of Public Administration, 1963. : R. B. MacDowell: The Irish Administration, 1801-1914, Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1964. R. Barry O’Brien: Dublin Castle & the Irish People, Kegan Paul, 1912.

PART VI

James J. Auchmuty: Jrish Education, A Historical Survey, Hodges Figgis, 1937. Irish National Teachers’ Organisation: Eighty Years of Progress.

I.N.T.O., 1948.

T. J. McElligott: Education in Ireland, Institute of Public Administration, 1966. John Mescal: Religion in the Irish System of Education. Clonmore & Reynolds, 1957. P. H. Pearse: Political Writings & Speeches, Talbot Press, 1962.

P. H. Pearse & Desmond Ryan: The Story of a Success, Maunsel, 1917.

PART VII

St. John Ervine: Craigavon, Ulsterman, Allen & Unwin, 1949.

C. Desmond Greaves: The Irish Question and the British People, Connolly Publications, 1963.

Nicholas Mansergh: The Irish Question 1840-1921, Allen & Unwin, 1965. Hugh Shearman: Anglo-Irish Relations, Faber, 1948.

Hugh Shearman: Not an Inch, Faber & Faber, 1942.

INTERMISSION

Diarmid Coffey: Douglas Hyde, Talbot Press, 1938.

John Eglinton, Etc.: Literary Ideals in Ireland, Dublin Daily Express, 1899. Brian Farrington: “The Literary Revival’ in the United Irishman, June 1966. Lady Gregory (ed): Ideals in Ireland, Unicorn, 1901.

Arthur Griffith: The Resurrection of Hungary, James Duffy, 1904.

238

4 John Jordan: Article in Hibernia, January 1st. 1960.

Louis N. Le Roux: Patrick H. Pearse, Phoenix Publishing Co., 1932.

Nicholas Mansergh: The Irish Question 1840-1921, Allen & Unwin, 1965. . D. P. Moran: Philosophy of Irish Ireland, Duffy, 1905.

Conor Cruise O’Brien: ‘Passion & Cunning’ from ‘In Excited Reverie,’ St. Martin’s Press, 1965.

Ulick O’Connor: Oliver St. John Gogarty: A Poet and His Time, Jonathan Cape, 1964. P. H. Pearse: Political Writings & Speeches, Talbot Press, 1962.

P. H. Pearse & Desmond Ryan: The Story of a Success, Maunsel, 1917.

Raymond Smith: Decades of Glory, Little & Maclean, 1966.

CHAPTER III

A. An Toglach (from 1919) Belfast Newsletter Dail Reports Freeman’s Journal Irish Independent B. Books, Pamphlets, etc.

J. C. Beckett: The Making of Modern Ireland, Faber & Faber, 1966.

J. Dunsmore Clarkson: Labour & Nationalism in Ireland, Columbia University Press, 1925. Michael Collins: The Path to Freedom, Talbot Press, 1922.

Padraic Colum: Arthur Griffith, Browne & Nolan, 1960.

Ian Colvin: Life of Lord Carson, Volumes II & IT, Gollancz 1934, 1936.

James Connolly: Labour & Easter Week (collection), Three Candles Press, 1949. James Connolly: Labour in Ireland (collection), Three Candles Press, 1948. James Connolly: Socialism & Nationalism (collection), Three Candles Press, 1948. James Connolly: Socialism Made Easy, New Writers Press, 1968.

James Connolly: Workers Republic (collection), Three Candles Press, 1951. The Constructive Work of Dail Eireann, 1-2, Talbot Press, 1921.

Raymond Crotty: Irish Agricultural Production- Its Volume and Structure, 1967. Joseph Deasy: Fiery Cross, The Story of Jim Larkin, New Books Publications, 1963. Declaration of Independence, 1919 239

Margaret Digby: Horace Plunkett, Blackwell, 1949.

St. John Ervine: Craigavon, Ulsterman, Allen & Unwin, 1949.

Ethics of Sinn Fein, National Council of Sinn Fein, 1917.

R. M. Fox: Jim Larkin, “The Kerryman’, 1957.

R. M. Fox: Labour in the National Struggle, Harpers’, 1945.

George Gilmore: Labour & Republicanism in Ireland, Wolfe Tone Society, 1967. C. Desmond Greaves: The Life & Times of James Connolly, Lawrence & Wishart, 1960. Arthur Griffith: To Rebuild the Nation, Mahon, 1919.

Denis Gwynn: The Life of John Redmond, Harrap, 1932.

Stephen Gwynn: Ireland, Benn, 1924.

R. M. Henry: The Evolution of Sinn Fein, Talbot Press, 1920.

Edgar Holt: Protest in Arms, Putnam, 1960.

John J. Horgan: Parnell to Pearse, Browne & Nolan, 1948.

Trish Communist Manifestos, Irish Communist Group, 1965.

T. M. Kettle: Letter to the Man on the Land in Ireland, 1915.

Ireland at Berne, Talbot Press, 1919.

Emmet Larkin: James Larkin, Irish Labour Leader, Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1968. Louis N. Le Roux: Patrick H. Pearse, Phoenix Publishing Co., 1932.

Louis N. Le Roux: Thomas J. Clarke, Talbot Press, 1936.

Dorothy MacArdle: The Irish Republic, ‘Irish Press’, 1951.

J. L. McCracken: Representative Government in Ireland, O.U.P. 1958.

J. M. MacDonnell: The Story of Irish Labour, National Labour Press, 1921. M. J. MacManus: Eamon de Valera, Talbot Press, 1962.

Terence MacSwiney: Principles of Freedom, Brian O’Higgins, 1936.

Nicholas Mansergh: The Irish Question 1840-1921, Allen & Unwin, 1965. Anne Marrecco: The Rebel Countess: Weidenfeld & Nicholson, 1967.

Liam Mellows: Notes from Mountjoy Jail, Irish Commun. Group, 1964. Eoin Neeson: The Civil War in Ireland, Mercier Press, 1966.

Conor Cruise O’Brien (ed): The Shaping of Modern Ireland, Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1960. Art O’Connor: Notes on National Economy, Maire ni Raghallaigh, 1925. Frank O’Connor: The Big Fellow, Clonmore & Reynolds, 1965.

Ulick O’Connor: Oliver St. John Gogarty, A Poet and his Time, Jonathan Cape, 1964. Peadar O’Donnell: The Gates Flew Open, Mercier Press, 1965.

John O’Donovan: A History of Livestock in Ireland, Cork University 240

Press, 1940. Sean O’Faolain: De Valera, Penguin Books, 1939.

P. S. O’Hegarty: A History of Ireland under the Union, Methuen, 1952. . P. S. O’Hegarty: The Victory of Sinn Fein, Talbot Press, 1924.

Labhras O’Nualain: Ireland: Finances of Partition, 1952.

Michael O’Suilleabhain: Where Mountainy Men Have Sown, Anvil Books, 1965. Padraig H. Pearse: Political Writings and Speeches, Talbot Press, 1962.

Jim Phelan: Churchill Can Unite Ireland, Gollancz, 1940.

W. Allison Phillips: The Revolution in Ireland 1906-1923, Longmans, 1923. Martin Shannon: Sixteen Roads to Golgotha, 1966.

D. D. Sheehan: Ireland after Parnell, O’Connor, 1921.

Sinn Fein Constitution, 1917.

E. Strauss: Irish Nationalism & British Democracy, Methuen, 1951.

David Thornley: “The Development of the Irish Labour Movement’, in Christus Rex, January-March 1964.

T. H. Whitaker: ‘Ireland’s External Assets’ in the Journal of the Statistical and Social Inquiry Society of Ireland.

Desmond Williams: (ed). The Irish Struggle 1916-1926, Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1966.

CHAPTER IV

A. Periodicals Daily: The Cork Examiner The Freeman's Journal (to 1924) The Irish Independent The Irish Press (from 1931) The Irish Times Weekly, Monthly & Quarterly Cumann na Gaedhael (The Freeman (1927-1928) (The Star (from 1928) Fianna Fail The Nation (1927-1931) (The Worker’s Voice (to 1927) Labour (The Irishman (1927-1928) (The Watchword (from 1928) Republican (Sinn Fein (to 1925) 241

(An Phoblacht (1925-1931) (Republican File (1931-1930) Others (Irish Homestead (1923) (Irish Statesman (1923-1930) (The Leader ( Studies Special: Dail Reports Journal of the Statistical and Social Inquiry Society of Ireland Seanad Reports Thom’s Directory B. Books, Pamphlets, etc.

PART I

Constitution of Saorstat Eireann, Stationary Office, 1923.

Constructive Work of Dail Eireann 1-2, Talbot Press, 1921.

Timothy Patrick Coogan: Ireland Since the Rising, Pall Mall Press, 1966. W. J. Flynn: Oireachtas Companion, Hely’s 1928.

C. Desmond Greaves: Father Michael O’Flanagan, Connolly Association, 1954. C. Desmond Greaves: The Irish Question and the British People, Connolly Publications. Denis Gwynn: De Valera, Jarrolds, 1933.

Denis Gwynn: The Irish Free State, 1922-1927, Mac Millan, 1928.

Stephen Gwynn: Jreland, Benn, 1924.

Brian Inglis,: West Briton, Faber, 1962.

Jim Kelly: Fundamental Rights under the Irish Law and Constitution, Figgis, 1961. Rose Kelly: Ireland’s Bloodless Revolution, 1936.

J. L. McCracken: Representative Government in Ireland, O.U.P. 1958.

Francis MacManus (ed): The Years of the Great Test 1926-1938. Mercier Press, 1967. M. J. MacManus: Eamon de Valera, Talbot Press, 1962.

Swift MacNeill: Studies in the Constitution of the Irish Free State, Talbot Press, 1925. Warner Moss: Political Parties in the Irish Free State, Columbia University Press, 1933. J. B. O’Connell: The Financial Administration of Saorstat Eireann, Talbot Press, 1934. Art O’Connor: Notes on National Economy, Maire ni Raghallaigh, 1925. 242

Frank O’Connor! The Big Fellow, Clonmore & Reynolds, 1965.

Sean O’Faolain: De Valera, Penguin Books, 1939.

Labhras O’Nuallain: Ireland Finances of Partition, 1952.

Donal O’Sullivan: The Irish Free State and its Senate, Faber, 1940.

Seamus O’Tuile: Life and Times of Brian O’ Higgins, Brian O’ Higgins Memorial Committee, 1966.

Desmond Ryan: Unique Dictator, Barker, 1936.

Terence de Vere White: Kevin O’ Higgins, Methuen, 1948.

Desmond Williams (ed): The Irish Struggle 1916-1926, Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1966.

PART II

Conrad M. Arensberg: The Irish Countryman, Macmillan, 1937.

Conrad M. Arensberg and Solon T. Kimball: Family and Community in Ireland, Harvard University Press, 1940.

Raymond Crotty: Irish Agricultural Production: Its Volume and Structure, 1967. Margaret Digby: Horace Plunkett, Blackwell, 1949.

T. W. Freeman: Ireland, Methuen, 1960.

Joseph O’Johnston: Irish Agriculture in Transition, Hodges Figgis & Co. 1951. Sean MacBride: Our People: Our Money, Brown & Nolan, 1949.

Peadar O’Donnell: There will be another day, Dolmen Press, 1962.

John O’Donovan: A History of Livestock in Ireland, Cork University Press, 1940. ? Brian O’Neill: The War for the Land in Ireland, Martin Lawrence, 1933. Horace Plunkett: Agricultural Co-operation as a factor in Ireland, Agricultural Policy. Report of the Commisson on Vocational Representation, Stationery Office, 1938. Stephen Rynne: Father John Hayes, Clonmore & Reynolds, 1960.

Fr. Jerome Toner: Rural Ireland, Clonmore & Reynolds, 1955.

PART III

J. Dunsmore Clarkson: Labour and Nationalism in Ireland, Columbia University Press, 1925. Joseph Deasy: Fiery Cross, The Story of Jim Larkin, New Books Publications, 1963. to tas

R. M. Fox: Jim Larkin, ‘The Kerryman’, 1957.

Emmet Larkin: James Larkin, Irish Labour Leader, Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1960. Saor Eire: Constitution and Rules, Fodhea Printing Co., 1931.

PART IV

Seamus Bourke: Eire Tomorrow, “Tipperary Star’, 1942.

Hugh D. Butler, etc. The Irish Free State - An Economic Survey, U.S.A.

Department of Commerce, 1928.

J. P. Colbert: Commentary on Misconceptions Concerning Money & Credit, Colbert, 1943. Final Report of the Fiscal Enquiry Committee, Stationary Office, 1924.

F. G. Hall: The History of the Bank of Ireland. Blackwell, 1949.

Frederick Charles King (ed): Public Administration in Ireland, Parkside Press, 1944, 1949, David O’Mahony: The Irish Economy, Cork University Press, 1964.

PART V

Basil Chubb (ed): A Source book of Irish Government, Institute of Public Administration, 1964.

John Collins & Desmond Roche: Local Government, Institute of Public Administration, 1963.

Garret Fitzgerald: State-sponsored Bodies, Institute of Public Administration, 1966. P. J. Meghen: A Short History of the Public Service In Ireland, Institute of Public Administration, 1962.

R. Barry O’Brien: Dublin Castle & the Irish People, Kegan Paul, 1912.

J. B. O’Connell: The Financial Administration of Ireland, Mt. Salus Press, 1960.

PART VI

Jean Blanchard: The Church in Contemporary Ireland, Clonmore & Reynolds, 1963. Paul Blanshard: The Irish & Catholic Power, Verschoyle, 1954.

Seamus Fenton: Jt all Happened, Gill, 1948.

Patrick McCartan: With de Valera in America, Fitzpatrick, 1932.

T. J. Macelligott: Education in Ireland, Institute of Public Administra- 244

tion, 1966. John Mescal: Religion in the Irish System of Education, Clonmore & Reynolds, 1957.

CHAPTER V

A. Periodicals: Daily: The Cork Examiner The Irish Independent The Irish Press The Irish Times Cumann na Gaedhael (United Irishman 1932-1933 (United Ireland 1933-1936 Labour (The Watchword 1932 (Labour News 1936-1938 (Torch from 1938 Republican (An Phoblacht (1932-1936) (Wolfe Tone Weekly (1937-1939) (Easter Week (1938) Others (Dublin Opinion ( Hibernia from 1937 (The Leader ( Studies Special: Dail Reports Journal of the Statistical and Social Inquiry Society of Ireland Seanad Reports Thom’s Directory B. Books, Pamphlets, etc.

Bunreacht na hEireann, Stationery Office, 1964.

Timothy Patrick Coogan: Ireland Since the Rising, Pall Mall Press, 1966. St. John Ervine: Craigavon, Ulsterman, Allen & Unwin, 1949.

W. J. Flynn: Irish Parliamentary Companion, Talbot Press, 1945.

R. M. Fox: Louie Bennett, Talbot Press, 1957.

R. C. Geary: Industrial Development in Ireland, Manchester Statistical, Society, 1949. Joseph Hanley: National Action, G.A.A., 1942.

Henry Harrison: Ireland and the British Empire, Hale, 1937.

Henry Harrison: The Neutrality of Ireland, Hale 1942.

M. W. Heslinga: The Irish Border as a Cultural Divide, Von Gorcum, 1962. 245

2 Se Brian Inglis: West Briton, Faber, 1962.

Joseph Johnston: The Nemesis of Economic Nationalism, Talbot Press, 1933. Joseph Johnston: The Sickness of the Irish Economy, Parkside Press, 1957. J. M. Kelly: Fundamental Rights Under the Irish Law and Constitution, Figgis, 1961. J. L. McCracken: Representative Government in Ireland, O.U.P., 1958.

F. MacManus (ed): The Years of the Great Test 1926-1938, Mercier, 1967. Warner Moss: Political Parties in the Irish Free State, Columbia University Press, 1933. Sean O’Callaghan: The Easter Lily, Allen Wingate, 1956.

Gearoid O’Cuinnegain: Ireland’s Twentieth Century Destiny, Ailtii na hAiseirighe, 1942. Sean O’Faolain: De Valera, Penguin Books, 1939.

Donal O’Sullivan: The Irish Free State and its Senate, Faber, 1940.

Padraig O’Tuille: The Life and Times of Brian O’ Higgins, Brian O’Higgins Memorial Committee, 1966.

Desmond Ryan: Unique Dictator, Parker, 1936.

Liam C. Skinner: Politicians by Accident, Metropolitan Publishing Co., 1946. Enno Stephan: Spies in Ireland, MacDonald, 1963.

PART II

The book of Clann na Talmhan, ‘Drogheda Argus’, 1944.

Raymond Crotty: Irish Agricultural Production: Its Volume and Structure, 1967. T. W. Freeman: Ireland, Methuen, 1960.

Joseph Johnston: Irish Agriculture in Transition, Hodges Figgis & Co., 1951 | Sean MacBride: Our People, Our Money, Browne & Nolan, 1949.

Brian O’Neill: The War for the Land in Ireland, Martin Lawrence, 1933.

Post War Planning in Irish Agriculture (collection) ‘Irish Independent’, 1944, : Report of the Commission on Emigration, Stationery Office, 1954.

Report of the Commission on Vocational Representation, Stationery Office, 1944. Stephen Rynne: Father John Hayes, Clonmore & Reynolds, 1960.

Father Jerome Toner: Rural Ireland, Clonmore & Reynolds, 1955.

246 -

PART IilI John Busteed: Article in The Bell, September, 1945.

Fr. E. J. Coyne & Thomas Johnson: Planning al a New Order in Ireland, 1.T.G.W.U., 1934. Joseph Deasy: Fieey Cross, The Story of a Larkin, New Books Publications, 1963. R. M. Fox: Jim Larkin, ‘The Kerryman’, 1957.

George Gilmore: The Irish Republican Congress, United Irish Republican Committees of U.S., 1935.

Governmental Policy & Constitution of Oglach na hEireann, 1933.

James Hogan: Could Ireland Become Communist?, Cahill & Co., 1935.

Irish Communist Manifestos, Irish Communist Group, 1965.

The Irish Communist Organization: The Irish Republican Congress, 1.C.O., 1966. Towards a New Ireland, Irish People Co-operative Society, 1942-1944.

The Irish Transport and General Workers Union: Three Men and Three Days, 1.T.G.W.U. 1934.

Thomas Johnson: A Workers’ Republic, Dublin City C. C. Labour Party, 1938. Labour’s Constructive Programme for an Organised Nation, Labour Party 1911. | Joseph Reilly: Our Food Problem, Forum Press, 1942.

PART IV

The Banker: Eire, A Financial and Economic Survey, 1943.

Census of Population, 1946, Stationery Office, 1946.

J. P. Colbert: Commentary on Misconceptions Regarding Money & Credit, Cahill, 1943. Patrick Gallagher: My Story by Paddy the Cope, Cape, 1939.

Denis Gwynn: De Valera, Jarrolds, 1933.

F. G. Hall: The History of the Bank of Ireland, Blackwell, 1949.

John Hawkins: The Irish Question to-day, Fabian Society, 1940.

L. A. Hooper: Money and Employment in Ireland, Fallon 1951.

F. C. King (ed): Public Administration in Ireland, Parkside Press, 1944.

1949, Colonel Anthony T. Lawlor: Irish Maritime Survey, Parkside Press, 1945. Felim O’Brian: Article in Christus Rex, April 1947.

General Eoin O’Duffy: Why I resigned from Fine Gael, League of Youth, 1934. 247

TS eee se ee Oe eee ee eee David O’Mahony: The Irish Economy, Cork University Press, 1964.

Report of the Banking Commission, Stationery Office, 1938.

W. B. Stanford: A Recognised Church, A.P.C.K., 1944.

The Statist — Economic Survey of the Republic of Ireland, 1951.

PART V

Basil Chubb (ed): A Source Book of Irish Government, Institute of Public Administration, 1966.

John Collins and Desmond Roche: Local Government, Institute of Public Administration, 1963.

Garret Fitzgerald: State-sponsored Bodies, Institute of Public Administration, 1966. P. J. Meghen: A Short History of the Public Service in Ireland, Institute of Public Administration, 1962.

PART VI

Jean Blanchard: The Church in Contemporary Ireland, Clonmore & Reynolds, 1963. Paul Blanshard: The Irish and Catholic Power, Verschoyle, 1954.

Dr. Peter Coffey: Between Capitalism and Socialism, ‘Irish Messenger’, 1930. Dr. Peter Coffey: The Social Question in Ireland, ‘Irish Messenger’, 1911. Dr. John Dignan: Social Security, Champion Publications, 1945.

Fr. Denis Fahey: The Mystical Body of Christ in the Modern World, Browne & Nolan, 1935. Fr. Denis Fahey: The Mystical Body of Christ in the Reorganisation of Society, Forum Press, 1945.

Irish Educational Handbook, MacEvoy, 1939.

T. J. MacElligott: Education in Ireland, Institute of Public Administration, 1966, Clonmore & Reynolds, 1957.

John Mescall: Religion in the Irish System of Education, Clonmore & Reynolds, 1957. Terence de Vere White: A Fretful Midge, Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1957. 248

CHAPTER VI

Daily: The Cork Examiner The Irish Independent The Irish Press The Irish Times Weekly, Monthly, and Quarterly: Clann na Pdblachta: The Clann, 1947-1948 Fine Gael: Forum, 1944-1950.

(Torch to 1944 (Labour News, 1944-1948 (The Citizen, 1949 (Flagstaff, 1952-1959 (Labour, 1954-1956 Sinn Fein: United Irishman from 1948 (The Bell, 1940-1955 (Christus Rex from 1947 Others (Dublin Opinion ( Hibernia (The Leader ( Studies Special: Census of Industrial Production Dail Reports Journal of the Statistical and Social Inquiry Society of Ireland Seanad Report Report of the Central Bank Thom’s Directory B. Books, Pamphlets, etc.

John A. Costello: Policy for Production, Fine Gael, 1958.

John A. Costello: The Republic of Ireland, Cahill, 1948.

Sean de Freine: The Great Silence, Foilseachain Naisuinta Teoranta, 1965. W. J. Flynn: Irish Parliamentary Companion, Talbot Press 1945.

C. Desmond Greaves: The Irish Question and the British People, Connolly Publications, 1963.

M. W. Heslinga: The Irish Border as a Cultural Divide, Von Gorcum and Co., 1962. Brian Ingles: West Briton, Faber, 1962.

J. M. Kelly: Fundamental Rights Under the Irish Law and Constitution, Figgis, 1961. 249

Gerard Lawless: ‘Where the Hillside Men have Sown’ Article in ‘The Workers Republic’, March-April’, 1967.

Sean MacBride: Our People, Our Money, Browne & Nolan, 1949.

J. L. McCracken: Representative Government in Ireland, O.U.P., 1958.

M. J. MacManus: Eamon de Valera, Talbot Press, 1962.

J. B. O’Connell: The Financial Administration of Ireland, Mount Salus Press, 1960. David O’Mahony: The Irish Economy, Cork University, Press, 1964.

Labhras O’Nuallain: Ireland; Finances of Partition, 1952.

Report of Commission on Emigration, Stationery Office, 1954.

The Statist: Economic Survey of the Republic of Ireland, 1951.

Enno Stephan: Spies in Ireland, MacDonald, 1963.

U.N.O. Report on Development Problems of Ireland and South Europe.

T. K. Whitaker: Capital Formaton, Saving and Economic Progress, Journal of the Statistical and Social Inquiry of Ireland, 1956.

PART Il Raymond Crotty: Jrish Agricultural Production-its Volume and Structure, 1967. Lawrence Earl: The Battle of Baltinglass, Harrap, 1952.

T. W. Freeman: Ireland, Methuen, 1960.

Ibec Technical Services Corporation: Report on Irish Resources, 1952.

Joseph Johnston: Irish Agriculture in Transition, Hodges Figgis & Co., 1951. Joseph Johnston: The Sickness of the Irish Economy, Parkside Press, 1957. Joseph Johnston: Why Ireland Needs the Common Market, Mercier Press, 1962. The National Farmers Association: Farm Income & Agricultural Development 1964-1970, N.F.A. 1964.

Post-War Planning in Irish Agriculture, ‘Trish Independent’, 1944.

Colman Richards: The Farmer’s Fight, Andrew Whitaker, 1967.

Stephen Rynne: Fr. John Hayes, Clonmore & Reynolds, 1960.

Fr. Jerome Toner: Rural Ireland, Clonmore & Reynolds, 1955.

PART III

Basil Chubb: Article in Elections Abroad, Macmillan, 1959.

Fr. E. J. Coyne, Egc. Mother and Child Service, Dublin Educational Co., 1959. 250

—E—E— Cl ee eee eh - Joseph Deasy: Fiery Cross, The Story of Jim Larkin, New Books Publications, 1963. R. M. Fox: Jim Larkin, The Kerryman’, 1958.

R. C. Geary: Industrial Development in Ireland, Manchester Statistical Society, 1949. Emmet Larkin: James Larkin, Irish Labour Leader, Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1965. Sean MacBride: Civil Liberty, Irish People Co-operative Society, 1947.

Reports of Department of Social Welfare, Stationery Office, 1950, 1954, 1959. Ulster Unionist Council: Southern Ireland - Church or State, 1951.

PART IV

American Consultants: Dollar Exports, Coras Trachtala Teoranta, 1953.

PART V

Ernest Blythe: A New Departure in Northern Policy, Basil Clancy, 1959.

F. G. Hall: The Inadequacy of Irish Commercial Profits, F.U.E., 1954.

John J. Horgan: Ireland must Face These Facts, ‘Ulster Unionist Council’, 1949. E. T. Nevin: Textbook of Economic Analysis, Macmillan, 1963.

PART VI

Basil Chubb (ed). A Source Book of Irish Government, Institute Of Public Administration, 1964.

John Collins & Desmond Roche: Local Government, Institute of Public Administration, 1963. Garret Fitzgerald: State-Sponsored Bodies, Institute of Public Administration, 1966. P. J. Meghen: A Short History of the Public Service in Ireland, 1962.

T. K. Whitaker: Financing by Credit Creation, Clonmore & Reynolds, 1947. 251

PART VII

Jean Blanchard: The Church in Contemporary Ireland, Clonmore & Reynolds, 1963. Paul Blanshard: The Irish and Catholic Power, Verschoyle, 1954.

Irish National Teacher’s Organization: Eighty Years of Progress,

I.N.T.O., 1948.

Irish National Teacher’s Organization: Plan for Education, 1.N.T.O., 1947. The Liberal Ethic, ‘Irish Times’, 1950.

T. J. MacElligott: Education in Ireland, Institute of Public Administration, 1966. John Mescal: Religion in the Irish System of Education, Clonmore & Reynolds, 1957. John J. O’Meara: Reform in Education, Mount Salus Press, 1958.

Terence de Vere White: A Fretful Midge, Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1957.

INTERMISSION

Periodicals - as under Chapter II-VII John Eglinton: A Memoir of Az, Macmillan, 1937.

Seamus Fenton: It All Happened, Gill, 1948.

M. W. Heslinga: The Irish Border as a Cultural Divide, Von Gorcum and Co., 1962. John B. Keane: Self-Portrait, Mercier Press, 1964.

Eoin Mackiernan: The Will of a Nation, Patrick Butler Family Foundation, 1963. Francis MacManus: (ed): The Years of the Great Test, 1926-1938, Mercier Press, 1967. Conor Cruise O’Brien: ‘Passion and Cunning’ from In Excited Reverie, St. Martin’s Press, 1965.

Frank O’Connor: The Big Fellow, Clonmore & Reynolds, 1965.

Ulick O’Connor: Oliver St. John Gogarty: A Poet and His Time, Jonathan Cape, 1964. Sean O’Faolain: Vive Moi; Hart Davis, 1965.

Report of the Commission on the Restoration of the Language, Stationery Office, 1965. Raymond Smith: Decades of Glory, Little and Maclean, 1966.

252

CHAPTER VII

A. Periodicals Daily The Cork Examiner The Irish Independent The Irish Press The Irish Times Weekly, Monthly and Quarterly: Fine Gael (The National Observer, 1958-1961.

(The Citizen, Since 1966.

(Labour 1958-1959 Labour (Labour News 1965-1966 (Labour 1967-1968 N.P.D. Forward 1960-1963 Sinn Fein United Irishman The Plough, 1958-1965 Others (Christus Rex (Dublin Opinion (Focus (1957-1966) ( Hibernia ( Leader (An Solus (1965-1966) (Studies (The Workers’ Republic 1967-1968 Special: Census of Industrial Production Dail Reports Journal of Statistical and Social Inquiry Society of Ireland Seanad Reports Report of the Central Bank Thom’s Directory B. Books, Pamphlets, etc.

PART I

Basil Chubb (ed): A Source Book of Irish Government, Institute of Public Administration, 1964.

John Collins and Desmond Roche: Local Government.

Christian Democratic Movement: Commonsense and Ireland,

C.D.M.1., 1962.

Committee on Industrial Organization: Reports, Stationery Office, 1961-1965. 253

Sean de Freine: The Great Silence, First and Second Programmes for Economic Expansion, The Stationery Office, 1958-1963-4. Garrett Fitzgerald: State-sponsored Bodies, Institute of Public Administration 1966. Fine Gael: Towards a Just Society, Fine Gael, 1965.

C. Desmond Greaves: The Irish Question and the British People, Connolly Publications, 1963.

David Hamilton: Ireland into Europe: Why?, D. Hamilton, 1962.

Joseph Johnston: Irish Economic Headaches: A Diagnosis, Aiste Eireannacha, 1966. Joseph Johnston: Why Ireland Needs the Common Market, Mercier Press, 1962. J. M. Kelly: Fundamental Rights Under the Irish Law and Constitution, Figgis, 1961. M. J. MacManus & David O’Neill: Eamon de Valera, Talbot Press, 1962. P. J. Meghen: A Short History of the Public Services in Ireland.

Institute of Public Administration 1962.

The National Industrial Economic Council: Reports, Stationery Office, 1964. E. T. Nevin: A Textbook of Economic Analysis, MacMillan,1963.

Conor Cruise O’Brien: To Katanga and Back, Hutchinson, 1963.

Conor Cruise O’Brien: Ireland, the United Nations and Southern Africa, 1. A.A.A. 1967. J. B. O’Connell: The Financial Administration of Ireland, Mount Salus Press, 1960. David O’Mahony: The Irish Economy, Cork University Press, 1964.

U.N.O. Report on Development Problems of Ireland and Southern Europe, 1963. T. K. Whitaker: Economic Development, Irish Stationery Office, 1958.

White Paper on the E.E.C., The Stationery Office, 1962.

Wolfe Tone Society: The Case Against the Common Market, Wolfe Tone Society, 1967.

PART II

Jean Blanchard: The Church in Contemporary Ireland, Clonmore & Reynolds, 1963. Investment in Education, Stationery Office, 1965.

T. J. MacElligott: Education in Ireland, Institute of Public Administration, 1966. John Mescal: Religion in the Irish System of Education, Clonmore & 254

Reynolds, 1957. John J. O’Meara: Reform in Education, Mount Salus Press, 1958.

PART III

PART IV

Raymond Crotty: Agriculture in an Expanding Irish Economy,

1.C.M.S.A., 1962.

Raymond Crotty: Jrish Agricultural Production-Its Volume and Structure, 1967. Fred Gilmore: Report on Agricultural Credit, Stationery Office, 1959.

Joseph Knapp: Report on Co-operation, Stationery Office, 1964.

The Limerick Rural Survey, Reports, Muintir na Tire, 1960.

Fr. James McDyer: The Glencolumbkille Story, Fodhea Press, 1963.

The National Farmers Association: Farm Income and Agricultural Development, 1964-1970. The National Farmers Association: Report on Pilot Area Schemes’ Stationery Office, 1964. The National Farmers Association: Report on Small Western Farms, Stationery Office, 1961. Colman Richards: The Farmers Fight, Andrew Whitaker, 1967.

PART V

Closing the Gap, Stationery Office, 1963.

The Irish Workers’ Party: Ireland Her Own, I.W.P., 1963.

E. T. Nevin: The Irish Price Level, Economic Research Institute, 1962.

E. T. Nevin: Wages in Ireland, Economic Research Institute, 1963.

Reports of the Department of Social Welfare, 1951-1962, Stationery Office, 1959, 1963. (The Stationery Office referred to is the Irish Stationery Office, throughout). | 255

© ieee ee, eee) ee

INDEX

Abbey Theatre, 180 Act of Union, 15-18, 19, 38, 39, 40, 45, 103, 151 Adoption Act, 147, 177 AE, see Russell, George William Aer Lingus, 105, 132, 170 Agricultural Credit Corporation, 84,85 95, 156, 204 Agricultural Institute, see An Foras Taluntais Agriculture and Technical Instruction, Department of, 31, 32, 44, 46, 98, 211 Aiken, Frank (b. 1879), 79, 124-5, 140, 146, 148, 191 Ailtiri Na hAiseirighe, 113, 122, 136 All for Ireland League, 28, 42-3, 48, 54, 56, 61-2 Alton, Dr Ernest (d. 1952), 178 Ancient Order of Hibernians, 28, 32, 40-3, 48, 54, 55, 63, 91 Anglo Irish Agreements, 106, 108, 109, 116, 125, 129, 130 Anglo Irish Treaty, 67-70, 71, 75, 76, 77, 81, 82, 83 Anthony, Richard Sydney, 121, 127, 162 Aramhara Teoranta, 173 Arbitration Courts, 65 Armagh, county of, 62 Army Comrades Association, 107, 125, 126; see also Blueshirts, Cumann Na nGaedhel, Fine Gael, etc Army mutiny (1924), 77, 79 Army Oaths Act, 77 Attorney-General, 142, 143, 166 Banking and Credit, 17, 40, 84, 94, 95, 109, 113, 115, 122, 123, 124, 130, 135, 136, 158, 204, 212, 222 231, 2352 Barrow, River, 76, 81, 84 Battle of Baltinglass, 145, 155, 163, 164 Baxter, Patrick, 92 Beckett, Samuel, 180 Begley’s Case, 178 Behan, Brendan (1920-64), 181, 197 Belfast, city of, 33, 34, 35, 38, 39, 54, 55, 56, 60, 63, 66, 67, 103, 111, 159 Bell The, 141, 180, 181 Belton, Patrick (1885-1945), 95, 110, 118, 125, 128 Bennett, Louie (1870-1957), 109 Better Government of Ireland Act, 66 Biafra, 197 Blaney, Neil, 208 Blowick, Joseph (b. 1900), 141, 142, 143, 152, 155, 156 Blueshirts, 107, 108, 114, 126, 128, 136 Blythe, Ernest, (b. 1889), 74, 81, 91, 172, 180 Boland, Gerald (b. 1883), 111, 141 Boland, Henry (Harry) (1885-1922), 62, 63, 64, 70 Bord Failte, 132 Bord Iascaigh Mhara 156, 207 Bord Na Mona 132 Boundary Commission, 67, 76, 77; Agreement, 77, 78, 104 Bourke, Seamus (1886-1967), 94 Bowman, Alexander, 34 Brazier, Brooke, 124 Brennan, Dr J. P. 160, 164 Britain, 9, 13, 18, 23, 24, 26, 30, 38, 54, 59, 61, 62, 64, 68, 75, 76, 77, 81, 83, 85, 86, 87, 90, 93, 94, 96, 99, 103, 104, 105, 106, 107, 108, 109, 110, 111, 112, 113, 114, 117, 118, 119, 120, 123, 124, 126, 128, 129, 130, 139, 141, 143, 144, 145, 147, 149, 150, 153, 154, 155, 156, 157, 168, 170, 171, 174, 186, 188, 198, 200, 203m 204, 205, 209, 218, 219,222, 224. 225. 227, 228 Brosnahan, Senator Sean, 195 Brown, Noel Dr (b. 1915), 143, 144, 145, 146, 155, 161, 162, 164 165.

166, 167, 177, 189, 211, 214 Browne Dr Michael, 195 Brugha, Cathal (Charles Burgess: 1874-1922), 65, 69 Buckley, Mrs Margaret, 107 Bunreacht Na hEireann (Irish Constitution), 106, 108, 135 Bureaucracy, see Civil Service Burke’s Case 178 Business, 17, 39, 43, 44, 45, 56, 57, 64, 73, 74, 75, 76, 78, 91, 92, 94, 95, 96, 99, 127, 129, 132, 168, 175, 184, 186, 187, 188, 189, 190, 198, 199, 210, 211, 219, 220, 228, 229 Business T.Ds., 74, 91, 127, 131 Byrne, Alfred (1882-1956), 89, 118, 127, 128 Carlow, county of, 126 Carlow, town of, 76, 93 Carson of Duncairn, Edward, Lord (1854-1935), 55, 57, 59, 63, 144 Casement, Sir Roger (1864-1916), 57, 59 Catholicism, 10-14, 16, 21, 26, 27, 28, 32, 40, 41, 42, 43, 45, 48, 49, 56, 58, 73, 91, 96, 97, 100, 102, 103, 109, 115, 116, 121, 131, 133, 134, 135, 136, 137, 144, 145, 147 150, 159, 161, 164, 165, 175, 179, 181, 184, 190, 194, 195, 198, 211, 228 Catholic Relief Association, 13 Catholic Workers College, 159, 164, 175 Cavan county of, 165 Ceann Comhairle 80, 103 Ceannt, Eamonn (1881-1916), 38, 58 Censorship; see State Censorship of Publications Act and Film Censorship Board Central Bank Act 113, 123, 130, 158, 193 Cereals Act 124 Childers, Erskine Hamilton (b. 1906), 173, 207 Christian Front, 128, 137, 160 Christus Rex, 168, 175, 178 Churchill, Winston S. (1874-1965), 112 Church of Ireland, 24, 30, 43, 46 Civil Service, 17, 18, 32, 41, 43, 45, 46, 73, 76, 91, 94, 95, 96, 97, 121, 131, 133, 140, 141, 168, 169, 170, 171, 172, 175, 177, 184, 208, 220, 228 Civil War, Irish, 69, 71, 72, 73, 88, 107 Clan Na Gael 27, 59 Clann Eireann 78, 86 Clann Na Poblachta, 142, 143, 144, 145, 146, 148, 149, 150, 151, 154, 160, 161, 162, 164, 165, 166, 167, 175, 211, 212 Clan Na Talmhan, 109, 113, 116, 117, 118, 137, 139, 141, 145, 146, 148, 151, 152, 153, 155, 156, 158, 159, 162, 192, 204, 205 Clare, county of, 67, 70, 86 Clarke, Thomas J. (1858-1916), 54, 58 Clogher, Bishop of, 197 Clonmel, 56 Cluskey, Frank, 216 Coal — Cattle Agreements 106, 108, 128 Cogan, Patrick (b. 1900), 114, 118, 141, 145, 146, 152, 155, 156, 165, 166 Cohalan, Dr Daniel, 136 Colley, George (b. 1927) 191, 196, 198,199 Collins, Michael (1890-1922), 60, 61, 62, 64, 67, 70, 77, 181 Comhairle Na Poblachta 80, 82, 86, 90 Committee of Agriculture, 153 Committee of Public Accounts, 97 Committee on Industrial Organization, 187, 189, 210 Communist Party of Ireland (1921), 64, 68, 71; (1933) 120, 121, 122, 143, 159, 162 Conacre, 84

RT ee ee oe ec eeeee erence es Te ee ee ee OS aE Conditions of Employment Act, 119 Congested Districts Board, 31, 41, 44, 48, 84, 97 Congress of Irish Unions 159, 160, 167, 175, 209 Connacht, 65, 66, 69, 146, 155, 157, 180 Connolly, James (1868-1916), 10, 27, 32, 34, 36, 39, 56, 57, 60, 70, 100, 110, 225, 229, 233 Connolly, Senator Joseph (1885- 1964), 114 Connolly, Father Peter, 197 Connolly, Nora O’Brien, 120 Connradh Na Gaedhille, see Gaelic League Conservative Party, British, 26, 55 Constitutional Commission, 197 Contraception, 197 Control of Manufactures Acts, 124, 129, 150, 185, 227 Cooper, Major, Bryan (1884-1930), 80, 91 Co-operation, 32, 33, 42, 44, 83, 84, 85, 201, 203, 205, 207, 209, 210, pa BP Coras Iompair Eireann, 173 Coras Na Poblachta, 113, 122 Coras Trachtala Teoranta, 147, 149, 174-173 Corish, Richard (d. 1945), 63 Corish, Brendan (b. 1918), 149, 166, 214, 215, 216 Cork, city of, 33, 40, 58, 73, 81, 93, 95, 108, 124, 136, 211 _ — Cork, county of, 42, 59, 91, 150, 200 Cork Celtic Literary Society 37 Cork Employers Federation 56 Cork Examiner 211 Corporatism 100, 126, 136, 137, 146, 452;:161, 175, 179; 189; 191 Cosgrave, Liam (b. 1920), 150, 191, 192, 193, 204 Cosgrave, William Thomas (1880- 1965), 38, 73, 74, 79, 80, 81, 91, 94, 96, 108, 121, 125, 126, 128, 138, 150, 191 Costello, Declan (b. 1927), 192, 193, 223 Costello, John, Aloysius (b. 1891), - 142, 144, 145, 148, 150, 151 Costello, Major-General Michael, 202, 206 Costello, Seamus, 221 Council— of Education 134, 136, 137, 143, 161, 176, 177, 193 — Farmers, 116 — of the Laity, 197 — National Agricultural, 201, 206 — National Health, 144 County Agricultural Leagues, 95 County Agricultural Committees, 117 County and City Managements Act, 156, 166 County Farmers Association, 66, 70 County Managers, 132 Cowan, Peadar, 144, 159, 160, 164 Coyne, Father Edward, 136, 164 Craigavon, James Craig, Viscount (1871-1940), 55, 66, 81 Crawford, Leo, 175 Criminal Justice Bill, 190 Cronin, Edward, Commandant (1897-1946), 128, 129 Crotty, Raymond, 201, 205 Cumann, Na mBan, 57, 59 Cumann Na nGaedhel (1900), 36, 37, 32: (1923) 72, ‘7S; 76, 78, 79; 80, 83, 86, 91, 92, 93, 95, 99, 101, 102, 104, 105, 107, 108, 113, 118, 119, 120, 124, 125, 126, 131, 132, 179 Cumann Na Poblachta (1922), 67, 72 Cumann Poblachta Na hEireann 108, 109 Currency Act (and Commission) 94, 130 Cusack, Michael. 51 Customs and Tariffs, 26, 37, 43, 74, 76, 92, 93, 94, 95, 101, 104, 105, 118, 119, 124, 125, 129 Dail Eireann, 73, 72, 102, 106, 108,

123, 126, 127, 148, 149, 151, 173, 189, 194, 211, 212, 214, 216, 224 (First) 64, 65, 69, 73, 74, 84, 91, 98, 100 (Second) 67, 69, 72, 73, 74, 75, 78, 84, 91, 109 (Third) 69 (Fourth) 78 (Fifth) 79-80, 123 (Sixth) 73 (Seventh) 101, 104, 125 (Eigth) 119 (Ninth) 173 (Tenth) 114, 158 (Eleventh) 138 (Thirteenth) 145, 162, 165 (Fifteenth) 151 (Eighteenth) 190, 206, 222, 223 Dairy Disposal Company, 97, 153 Daly, Patrick Thomas (1873-1943), 38, 39, 64, 87, 88, 89 Davin, Maurice, 51 Davitt, Michael (1846-1906), 25, 27, 31, 34, 35 Deasy, Rickard, 224 Defence Council, 112 Department of Agriculture, 84, 154, 156 —of Defence, 102 — of Education, 102, 177, 195, 200 — of External Affairs, 102, 189, 190 -—of Finance, 65, 92, 96, 132, 166, 174, 186, 191 — (Development Section), 186, 187 — of the Gaeltacht, 85 —of Health, 141 —of Industry and Commerce, 92, 93, 149, 166 — of Justice, 102, 142 — of Labour, 209 — of Lands, 84, 85, 156, 200, 207 — of Posts and Telegraphs 145 — of Social Welfare 142, 173 Derrig, Thomas, see O’Deirg Derry, city of, 112 DeValera, Eamonn (b. 1882), 60, 61, 62, 63, 64, 67, 69, 72, 78, 79, 80, 81, 100, 102, 103, 105, 106, 107, 109, 110, 111, 112, 113, 125, 127, 128, 131, 137, 139, 140, 141, 142, 146, 148, 177, 178, 179, 183, 211, 216 Devaluation of the Pound, 145, 170 Devlin, Joseph (1872-1934), 28, 62 Dignan, Dr John, 136, 137, 161, 176, 177 Dillon, James Matthew (b. 1902) 110, 125, 126, 142, 143, 144, 146, 148, 149, 154, 155, 156, 157, 161, 173, 175, 192, 193, 204, 205 Dillon, John (1851-1927), 31, 51 Distributism, 101, 102, 113, 122, 135, 136, 137, 152, 205 Divorce, 135, 178, 197 Dochas, 206 Dominion Status, 67, 76, 100, 125, 126, 179 Donegal, county of, 32, 86, 111, 200, 201, 202 Donnellan, Michael, (1900-1964), 118, 152 Dooley, Father, 45 Dowdalls, The, of Cork, 40 Down, county, 56, 163 Doyle, Michael, 92 Drumm Battery, The, 81 Drummond, Thomas (d. 1840), 18 Dublin, city of, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 34, 38, 40, 41, 50, 52, 56, 57, 59, 60, 68, 71, 73, 75, 78, 81, 87, 88, 89, 103, 105, 108, 111, 115, 120, 121, 126, 127, 128, 129, 134, 135, 146, 149, 154, 158, 159, 160, 161, 162, 165, 167, 176, 177, 178, 185, 190, 196, 197, 205, 208, 211, 214, 215, 223, 224 — County of, 89, 91, 126 — Employers Federation, 56, 66 — Humanist Association, 197 — Industrial Development Associatin 38, 124 — Lock-Out, 56, 57 — Metropolitan Police, 18 Dublin Opinion 103 — Trades Council, 63, 64, 88 — United Trades Association, 33

— United Tramway Company, 56, 171 : Dulanty, John, 93 Dungannon Clubs, 37 Dunlaoghaire, 162 Dunne, James, 222 Dwyer, William (d. 1951), 124 Easter Rising, 59, 60, 61 Economic Development, 187, 188, 189, 190, 199, 200 Economic Programme, 186, 192 — First, 186, 188, 189, 209, 210 — Second, 185, 186, 187, 188, 189, 195, 198, 199, 208, 209, 210 — Third, 222 Economic War, 104, 105, 107, 108, 114, 116, 118, 121, 124, 125, 126, 129 Education, 46, 48, 76, 89, 96, 97, 99, 122, 133, 134, 161, 163, 176, 177, 178, 188, 194, 196, 197, 198, 211, 233 — Vocational, 81, 98, 99 Educational Company of Ireland Versus Fitzpatrick, 210 Edward VIII, King, 106 Edwards, Frank, 134 Edwards, Hilton, 180 EB I. Co. 210 Fire, 106, 108, 109, 110, 111, 112, 123, 129, 130, 131, 139, 140, 141, 143, 144, 153, 170, 175 Electrical Trade Union (Ireland), 210 Electrical Supply Board, 95, 222 Emergency The, 111, 113, 117, 118, 121, 123, 130, 131, 132, 133, 140 Emergency Imposition of Duties Act, 104 Emigration, 20, 88, 90, 116, 121, 151 Emmett Robert (1778-1803), 15 England, 10, 13, 40, 59, 67, 69, 70, 110 Entailed Estates Act, 29, 40 Erin Foods, 186, 202, 215 Erne, Lough, 140, 172 Esmonde, Sir John (1894-1958), 142, 143 European Free Trade, 151, 182, 184, - 185, 192, 193, 204, 205, 212, 215, 220, 221, 228 Everett, James (1883-1967), 139, 142, 155, 158, 163, 164, 166 Executive Council, The, 72, 73, 74, 77, 81, 82, 91, 93, 95, 103, 104, 106 External Relations Act, 144 Fagan, Charles, 146 Fahey, Father Denis. (d. 1954) 136, 175, 178, 194 Fahy, Frank, (1879-1952), 103 Fahey, Father John, 203 Family Allowances, 126, 136, 137, 139, 152, 159 Farmers, large, 30, 66, 70, 83, 84, 85, 86, 95, 109, 114, 116, 117, 119, 124, 125, 127, 128, 130, 151, 153, 154, 155, 157, 199, 200, 205, 206, 207, 210, 219 — medium, 30, 32, 66, 70, 83, 85, 86, 95, 114, 116, 117, 124, 125, 128, 151, 152, 153, 154, 155, 156, 199, 205, 206, 207, 210, 219 — small, 30, 31, 32, 65, 66, 84, 85, 86, 93, 94, 95, 96, 102, 104, 109, 114, 115, 116, 117, 118, 130, 157, 199, 200, 201, 202, 203, 204, 205, 206, 207, 210, 211, 219, 220, 221 Farmers’ Defence Leagues, 125 Farmers’ Party, 69, 74, 79, 80, 89, 91, 104 Farmers’ Protection Association, 95 Farm Labourers, 31, 32, 63, 64, 84, 85, 86, 87, 92, 114, 115, 127, 153, 221 Fascism, 110, 113, 122, 126, 128, 146, 148, 223, 224, 225 Federated Union of Employers, 165, 170 Federation of Irish Manufacturers, 169, 171 Federation of Rural Workers, 153, 150, 163,

ee nF et A at ee a Se ae Feetham, Judge Richard (1870-1967), 77 Fenianism, see Irish Republican Brotherhood Fermanagh, county, 57, 66 Ffrench O’Carroll Michael Dr (b. 1918), 166 Fhirinne, an, 178 Fianna Eireann, 55, 59 Fianna Fail, 78, 79, 80, 81, 82, 83, 86, 89, 90, 95, 100, 101, 103, 104, 106, 107, 108, 109, 112, 113, 114, 118, 119, 120, 121, 122, 123, 124, 125, 126, 127, 128, 129, 130, 131, 132, 133, 134, 137, 138, 139, 140, 141, 142, 143, 145, 146, 147, 148, 149, 150, 151, 152, 154, 155, 156, 158, 160, 161, 165, 166, 167, 168, 172, 173, 177, 184, 190, 191, 193, 194, 201, 210, 212, 215, 216, 222, 223 Fianna Uladh, 148, 149, 151 Figgis, Darrel (d. 1925), 89 Film Censorship Board, 99, 197 Fine Gael, 105, 107, 108, 110, 112, 113, 122, 126, 128, 129, 131, 137, 138, 139, 141, 142, 143, 144, 146, 148, 149, 151, 155, 156, 160, 162, 163, 165, 166, 173, 179, 184, 190, 191, 193, 194, 201, 204, 205, 210, 211, 215, 216, 223 First International, 24, 33 Fiscal Commission, 93 Fisher, J. R. (1855-1939), 77 Fisheries, 76, 101, 105, 117, 122, 147, 156, 206, 207 Fitzgerald, Desmond (1888-1947), 74, 76, 193 Fitzgerald, Garrett (b. 1925), 192, 193, 223 Fitzgerald, Father Thomas, 178 Fitzgerald-Kenny, James (1876- 1956), 82 Flag and Emblems (Display) Act, 147 Flanagan, Oliver James (b. 1921), 139, 146, 155, 165 Folk High School, 181, 182 Foran, Thomas, 88 Foras Taluntais, an (Agricultural Institute), 149, 156, 157, 200 Foras Tionnscail, an, 147 Ford’s 93 Forestry 76, 81, 85, 101, 105, 116, 117,:122, 143, 155 Four Courts, 68, 69 Franchise Act (Northern Ireland), 147 Freeman’s Journal, 58, 61 Frewen, Morton, 42 Frost’s Case, 178 Fabian Society, 34, 130 Gaelic Athletic Association, 51 Gaelic League, 27, 51, 52, 57, 58, 172, 181 Gaelic Union, 50, 51 Gaeltacht, 50, 51, 182 Gaeltarra Eireann, 200 Gallagher, Patrick, (Paddy the Cope) (1873-1966), 32, 130 Gallagher, 40 Galway, city of, 45, 86, 195, 203 — Wollen Company, 45 Garda Siochana 77, 82, 107, 126, 190 — (Special Branch) 107, 126, 230 Gate Theatre 180 Gavan Duffy, George (1882-1951), 135 General Election, (1874) 25 (1880) 25 (1900) 27 (1910) January, 42, 55 (1910) December, 42, 45 (1918) 62, 64 (1921) 66 (1922) 68, 69, 89 (1923) 72, 74, 75, 87, 89 (1927) June 78, 79, 89 (1927) September 80, 89 (1932) 80, 89, 101, 118 (1933) 104, 107, 119, 124, 125 (1937) 108, 121 (1938) 108, 121

(1943) 113, 118, 123, 138, 151, 158 (1944) 140, 151, 152, 159 (1948) 142, 151, 154 (1951) 145, 148, 155, 165 (1954) 148, 156, 166 (1957) 151, 157, 167 (1961) 211, 214 (1965) 192, 204, 214 (1969) 222, 224 George V. King of England (d.

1936), 103 Gilmore, George, 79, 110, 111, 120, Gladstone, William Ewart (1809- 1898), 26, 41 Glencolumkille, 201, 202, 203, 205 Gogarty, Oliver St. John, (1878- 1958), 65, 125, 179 Gombeenmen, 29, 32, 40, 42, 84 Good John, 78, 89, 91, 95, 127 Gorey, Denis (1884-1940), 92 Goulding, Cathal, 211, 212 Gouldings, 204 Government, Irish, 106, 109, 110, 421, 192, 313215; 117, 130, 133, 135, 141, 142, 143, 144, 145, 147, 148, 149, 150, 151, 153, 154, 155, 158, 164, 166, 167, 169, 170, 171, 172, 174, 184, 185, 186, 187, 190, 193, 194, 196, 199, 200, 203, 205, 206, 207, 208, 211, 214, 216, 217, 221, 222, 223, 226, 228 Governor-General (Seanaschal), 74, 83, 106 Grain Growers Association, 115 Grattan, Henry, (1746-1820), 14 Grattan’s Parliament, 13, 14, 16, 24, 37, 38, 40 Great Famine, The, 17, 23, 24, 29, 33, 42, 45, 46, 49, 50 Great Northern Railway (Ireland), 144, 171, 172 Greene, Mrs Alice Stopford, 52 Gregory, Augusta, Lady (1857- 1937), 52 Griffith, Arthur (1872-1922), 36, 38, 42, 52, 56, 58, 61, 62, 64, 67, 68, 70, 72, 79, 91, 146 Grille, 197 Hall, F. G., 170 Halligan, Brendan, 215 Hanley, Joseph 148, 194 Harrison, Henry, 112 Hartnett, Noel, (d 1960), 142, 145, 160, 165, 166 Haughey, Charles (b 1925), 191, . 199, 200 Hayes, Father John Martin (1888- 1957), 115, 136 Hayes, Michael, 80, 103 Hayes, Stephen, (b 1902), 111 Health Act, (1947), 140, 145, 147, 165, 166, 177; 1953, 147, 165, 166, 177 Healy, Timothy Michael (1855- 1931), 27, 28, 42, 54, 62, 74 Heffernan, Michael R., 80, 81, 92, 125 Hibernia, 137, 175, 176, 186, 197, 214 Hibernian Bank, 40 Hickey, James (1885-1967), 163 Hickie, Mrs Eileen, 144 : Higgins, F. R. (1878-1941), 180 Higgins, Kevin, see O’Higgins, Kev- 158, in Hillery, Dr Patrick, 209 Hobson, Bulmer (b. 1883) 37, 54, $5, 56, 57,58 Hogan, Patrick (1886-1936), 74, 76, 81, 83, 84, 85, 91, 93, 95, 125 Home Rule, 24, 28, 35, 41, 43, 45, 49, 54, 58, 60, 61 1886 Bill, 26, 49 1893 Bill, 27, 49 1912 Bill, 43, 55 Hope Jemmy, 36 Horgan, John J. (1880-1967), 43, 172 Housing, 88, 119, 121, 126, 132, 143, - 161, 163, 208, 209 Hungarian Policy, 36, 38, 61, 64, 72 Hunt, Hugh, 180 Hunt’s Case, 135 Hyde, Dr Douglas (1860-1949), 51, ~ 52, 140

Independent Deputies, 79, 80, 89, 104, 110, 124, 125, 128, 142, 156, 164, 167, 223 Independent Labour Party, 34 — (Ireland), 56 Industrial Credit Corporation, 124, 130 Industrial Development Authority Act, 143, 169, 198, 199, 203 Industrial Relations Act, 160, 176 Inter Party Government, (First), 142, 146, 147, 154, 155, 162, 165, 166, 169, 170, 176 (Second), 148, 151, 156, 157, 166, 167, 214 Investment in Education, 194 Ireland Act, 144 Irish Agricultural Organization Society, 32, 33, 41, 44, 83, 86, 92, 153, 157, 202, 203, 205 Irish Agricultural Wholesale Society, 32 Irish Association, 109 Irish Beet Growers Association, 157, 205, 206 Irish Citizen Army, 57, 58, 59, 60, 63, 68 Irish Congress of Trade Unions, 209, 210, 222 Irish Constabulary, Royal, 18, 63, 65 Irish Constitution, see Bunreacht na hEireann Irish Convention 61, 62 Irish Countrywomens Association, 32, 116 Irish Creamery Milk Suppliers Association, 155, 156, 157, 205, 206 Irish Farmers Federation, 114, 118, 157 Irish Farmers Union, 66, 69, 70, 83, 84, 86, 92, 95, 115 Irish Free State see Saorstat Eireann Irish Free State (Special Duties) Act, 104 Irish Home Rule League, 24, 25 Irish Independent, 43, 93, 95, 98, 136, 211 Irish Insurance Commission, 44 Irish Labour Party, 82, 86, 89, 90, ‘101, 104, 105, 108, 113, 116, 119, $20, 121, 122,123; 127, 135,23, 139, 141, 142, 143, 146, 148, 149, 158, 159, 160, 161, 162, 163, 164, 165, 166, 167, 172, 184, 193, 194, 210, 211, 213, 217, 223, 224, 226, 229, 230 see also Trade Union Congress Irish Land League, 25, 26, 30, 31 Irish Language, 21, 23, 50, 52, 76, 96, 98, 181, 190, 196, 212 Irish Liberal Party, 194, 198 Irish Literary Theatre, 52 Irish Local Government Act (1898), 28 Irish Management Institute, 169, 198 Irish Maritime Institute, 117 Irish Medical Association, 149, 164, 165 Irish Municipal Reform Act, 41 Irish National Teachers Organization, 47, 89, 121, 133, 159, 176, 195, 196 Irish News Agency, 143 Irish Parliamentary Party, 25-78, 34, 35, 42, 54-6, 60, 61-2, 74, 142, 211 Irish Poor Law, 29, 37 Irish Press, 125, 211 Irish Republic, 62, 64-70, 71, 72, 73, 75, 79, 81, 107 Irish Republican Army, 65-70, 78, 79, 82, 90, 100, 101, 107, 108, 111, 113, 116, 119, 120, 122, 124, 125, 126, 127, 128, 140, 141, 142, 143, 144, 147-8, 149-150, 151, 162, 178, 211, 213, 224, 230 Irish Republican Brotherhood, 23- 25, 27-8, 33, 34, 35, 36, 37, 38, 45, 54, 56, 57-62, 77 Irish Shipping Company, 129, 132 Irish Socialist Republican Party, 27, 34-6, 39 Irish Statesman, 92, 95

ee J eS Irish Steelholdings Ltd., 173 Irish Times, 33, 211, 221 Irish Transport and General Workers’ Union, 39, 55, 56-7, 59, 60, 87,.88; 113, 121, 122, 123, 139, 158, 159, 160, 162, 163, 165, 214 Irish Volunteers, (1779), 13 (1913), 57-9, 61, 63, 64-5 — (National Volunteers), 58, 59 Irish Women Workers Union, 107, 109 Irish Worker League, 71, 89, 90, 100 Irish Workers League (Party), 143, 162, 212, 213 James II, King (d. 1701), 15 Jinks, John (d. 1934), 80 John XXIII Pope (1881-1963), 197 Johnson, Thomas (1871-1963), 60, 67, 71, 75, 86, 78, 88, 89, 92, 120, 122, 130 Johnston, Professor Joseph, 200, 201 Johnston, Dr Roy, 212, 213 Joyce, James (1882-1941), 179-180 Kane, Sir Robert, 39 Keane, John B., 181 Keating, Justin, 224 Kelly, Liam, 148, 149 Kennedy, John Fitzgerald (1917- 1963), 190 Kent, William Rice, 127 Keogh, Myles, 89 Kerins, Charles, 140 Kerry, county of, 18, 65, 204; 215 Kerry Case, the, 99 Kettle, Thomas M. (1880-1916), 43 Keyes, Michael (1885-1957), 137, 143, 163, 164, 166 Kickham Charles, 50 Kildare, county of, 154, 201 Kilkenny, city of, 380 county of, 126 Kinnane, Dr Jeremiah, 134, 136 Korean War slump, 150, 155 Labour, 17, 33-9, 49, 56-7, 66, 67, 68, 71, 73, 75, 87, 90, 95, 102, .118-9, 121-3, 159-167, 205, 207- 11,216, 220;2214 223 Labour Court, 160, 209 Labour News 215-6 Lalor, James Fintan (d.1849), 24 Land Acts, (1870), 24, 30, 41 (1881), 26, 30—1, 41, 49 (1891), 31 (1903), 31 (1923), 84, 88 (1931), 84 . (1933), 124 (1951), 155 (1963), 192, 200, 201 Land Annuities, 77, 78, 81, 86, 79- 90, 103, 104, 106, 108, 203 Land Commission, 31, 44, 89, 85, 114, 116, 124, 130, 155 Landlords, 11-2, 14, 16-7, 19, 25, 27, 29-31, 40, 41, 211, 219 Landlord and Tenant Law Amendment Act (Deasy’s Act), 30 Language Freedom Movement, 182, 198 Language Institute, 195 Lansbury, George (1859-1940), 97 Larkin, James (1876-1947), 38-9, 41, 48, 54, 55, 56, 58-9, 63, 68, 71, 74, 75, 87,88, 121); 2223-423, 139, 158, 159, 163, 175 Larkin James, Junior (1904-1969), 89, 120, 122, 123, 158, 167 Law, Andrew Bonar (1898-1923), 55 Leader, The, 45, 92, 136 League of Nations, 76, 80, 128, 137 League of Youth, 127, 128 Lecky, William Edward Hartpole, 52 Leinster, 157, 160 Leitrim, county of, 38, 67, 86 Lemass, Sean (b. 1899), 103, 104, 109, 112, 118, 119, 129, 130, 141, 147, 160, 169, 175, 186, 187, 189, 191 Lenihan, Brian, 196, 207 Lia Fail, 203-4

Liberal Party, 26, 28, 33, 38, 44, 49, 54-5, 96 Lichfield, Nathaniel, 203 Liffey, River, 105 Limerick, city of, 17, 73 county of, 66, 67, 70, 86, 203, 226 Lipper, Michael, 220 List, Friedrich, 38 Lloyd George, David, Earl (1863- 1945), 61, 66 Local Appointments Act/Board 78, 97, 132 Local Government, 44, 45, 48, 65, 76, 85, 86, 88, 89, 97, 112, 118, 119, 122, 123, 126, 127, 128, 131- 132, 133, 147, 149, 156, 166, 193, 208, 224 Local Security Force, 112 Locke’s Distillery, 141 Longford, county of, 86, 156 Longford, Earl and Countess of, 180 Louth, county of, 148 Lynch Fionan, 85 Lynch, Sean (b. 1919), 183, 191, Zed, 223 MacAonghusa, Proinsias, 215 Macbride, Sean (b. 1902), 79, 108, 109, 120, 142, 143, 144, 151, 160, 162, 164, 165, 166, 167 McCarron E. P., 132 MacCartan, Dr Patrick, 54, 152 McCaughey, Sean (d. 1946), 140, 160 McConnell, Dr A. J., 178 MacCriostal, Joseph, 149 McCullough, Denis (d. 1968), 54 MacCurtain, Thomas, 148 MacDermot, Frank (b. 1885), 125, 126, 128 ) MacDonagh Thomas (1878-1916), 57-59 MacDiarmada Sean (1883-1916), 37, 38, 54 McDyer, Dr James, 201-202 MacEntee Sean (b. 1889), 63, 79, 103, 105, 112, 118, 119, 121-3, 124, 129, 133, 139, 140, 146, 156, 158, 161, 164, 165, 170 MacEoin Sean, General, 144, 152 156 MacGahern John, 180, 196, 197 MacGilligan Patrick (b. 1889), 74, 91, 93, 95, 105, 143, 163, 166, 170 MacGiolla, Thomas, 211 MacGrath, Joseph (1888-1966), 63, 74, 76, 91 MacHale Dr John Archbishop of Tuam (1791-1881), 50 MacLiammoir, Michael, 180 MacLogan, Patrick, 148, 211 McMullan, William, 165 MacNamara, Brinsley, 180 MacNeill Dr Eoin (1867-1945), 51, 57-59, 74, 77, 98, 99 MacNeill, James (d. 1939), 106 McQuaid, Dr John Charles (b.

1895), 135, 176, 197 MacQuillan, John, 164, 165, 167, 210, 216 Macra na Feirme, 154—154, 157 Macra na Tuaithe, 154 MacSwiney Mary (d. 1942), 79, 107, 108 MacSwiney, Terence (1879-1920) 37, 58, 79 Magan, Anthony, 148 Magennis, William Professor, 78, 134 Mangan James Clarence (d. 1849), 50 Maria Duce, 175, 178 Marine Port and General Workers Union, 222 Markievicz, Countess Constance, (1868-1927), 55, 79 Marshall Aid, 144-5, 146, 154, 164 Mayo, county of, 100, 152, 155 May’s Case, 177 Meath, county of, 201 Mellows, Liam (d. 1922), 62, 70 Mianrai Teoranta, 132 Midgeley, Harry (d. 1957), 139 Monarchana Acoil Na Meireann.

132 Moore, George (1862-1934), 52 Moore, Henry, 178 Moore, Senator Maurice, 78, 86, 100 Moran, David P (1869-1936), 43, 45, 52, 92, 136 Morrissey, Daniel, 121, 127, 143, 145, 163, 173 Mortished, R. J. P., 89 Mother and Child Scheme, see Health Act Moylan, Sean (d. 1958), 177 Muintir Na Tire, 114-6, 156, 203 Mulcahy, General Richard (b.

1887), 74, 77, 79, 81, 138-9, 141, 142, 148, 163, 176 ‘Munster, 31, 66, 68, 69, 145, 155, 156, 157, 165 Murphy, John, 167 Murphy, Tadhg (1893-1949), 143, 162-163, 209 Murphy, William Martin (1845- 1919), 40, 42, 43, 56, 93 Murray, Sean (d. 1962), 120 National Action, 148 National Agricultural and Industrial Development Association, 123-4 National Agricultural Party, 118, 152 National Bank, 40 National Blood Bank, 162 National Busmen’s Union, 210 National Centre Party, 104, 107, 125, 126, 127 National Corporative Party, 108, 128 National Council, 37 National Education, Department of, 44,97 National Farmers and Ratepayers’ League, 125, 191 National Farmers’ Association, 136 —157, 201, 204, 205-6, 207, 224 National Group, 77-8 National Guard, 107, 126 National Health Insurance, 119, 123, 162 National Industrial Economic Council, 187, 189, 210 Nationalism, Irish, 15, 18-21, 23-8, 40-2, 43, 44, 48, 49, 51-2, 55-8, 91, 96, 97, 102, 127, 172, 179, 181, 182, 219 National Labour Party, 139, 158, 159, 162, 163, 175 National League (1882), 26, 41, 45, (1926), 79, 80, 91, 92 National Progressive Democrats, 167, 211, 214 National Stud, 153, 173 National Union of Dock Labourers, 38—39 Naval Bases, 67, 108 Ne Temere, 48, 49 Nevin, E. T., 169, 210 Newman, Dr Jeremiah, 203 Newman, Cardinal, John (1801- 1890), 50 North Atlantic Treaty Organization, 143, 189, 190 Northern Ireland, 99, 66, 67, 68, 73, 76-7, 81, 83, 85, 99, 105, 106, 108, 109, 110, 111, 112, 116, 120, 139, 140, 141, 143, 144, 147, 148, 149, 161, 163, 172, 174, 184, 208, 219, 220, 224-5, 228 — Civil Rights Alliance, 224-225 — Labour Party, 163, 221 Norton, Patrick, 216 Norton, William (1900-1963), 108, 120-1, 143, 143, 144-5, 147, 148, 149, 150, 162, 163, 164, 165, 166, 167, 214-5, 216 Nugent, Peter, 110 Oath to the King of England, the, 67, 69, 78, 80, 81, 103, 106 O’Briain, Felim, O. F. M., 131 O’Brien, Conor Cruise (b. 1917), 189, 224 O’Brien, William (1851-1928), 27— 28, 31, 33, 42, 54 O’Brien, William Hoofy (1881-

1968), 60, 63-4, 71, 87, 122, 139, 158, 163, 175 O’Casey, Sean (1879-1961), 58, 180 O’Ceallaigh, Sean T. (1882-1966), 79, 103, 118-9, 123, 131-2, 140, 152, 309 O’Connell, Daniel (1775-1897), 15, 16, 18-23, 25, 33, 40, 41, 50, 102 O’Connell, Dr Thomas J (1881- 1969), 86, 89-90, 120, 121, 134, 191 O’Connor, Art (1888-1950), 79, 106 —107 O’Connor, Feargus (1794-1855), 19 O’Connor, Frank (1902-1966), 180, 181 O’Deirg, Tomas (1897-1956), 133, 134, 176 O’Donnell, Patrick, 14, 156, 166 O’Donnell Peadar (b. 1891), 63, 70, 79, 86, 90, 120, 180, 181, 202 O’Donnell, Rory Archbishop of Armagh (d. 1927) 45 O’Donovan, D. J., 173 O’Donovan, John, 50 O’Donovan, John T. D., 166, 167, 171 O’Donovan Rossa, Jeremiah (1842- 1915), 24 O’Duffy, General Eoin (1892-1944), 77, 82, 107-8, 126, 127, 128, 179 O’Faolain, Sean (b. 1900), 141, 180, 181 Offences Against the State Act, 109, 140, 150, 172 O’Flaherty, Liam, 180 O’Flanagan, Father Michael (1876- 1942), 79, 99-100, 151, 226 O’Grady, Standish, 50, 52 O’Crowney, Father Eugene (1864- 1899), 51 O’Hegarty, Padraig Sairseal, 54, 64 O’Higgins, Brian (1882-1963), 79, 107 O’Higgins, Kevin Christopher (1892-1927), 62, 74, 76, 77, 79, 82, 99, 105 O’Higgins, Dr Thomas F. (1890- 1953), 82, 125, 149 O’Higgins, Thomas F. Junior (b.

1916), 149, 166, 193, 204, 223 Oireachtas, 74, 76, 80, 82, 88, 122, 140, 142, 148, 161, 174, 216 O’Kelly J. J. (Sceilg), 79 Old Age Pensions, 54, 81 O’Leary John (1839-1908), 36, 52 O’Leary, John T. D., 159 O’Malley, Donach (d. 1968), 196, 197 O’Morain, Michael (b. 1912), 189 O’Neill, Terence Chichester (b.

1915), 224, 225 Orange Order, 16, 17, 26, 49 O’Shannon, Cathal (b. 1892), 63, 64 O’Sullivan John Marcus (1881- 1948), 98-99, 177 O’Sullivan Martin (1897-1956), 158, 160, 164 Paddy the Cope, see Gallagher, Patrick Paisley, Rev Ian, 224, 225 Papal Nuncio, 178 Parish councils, 112, 115, 133, 136, 137, 153, 161 Parish plan, 154, 155 Parnell, Charles Stewart (1845- 1891), 25-7, 34, 41, 43, 45, 52, 102 Partition, 57, 66, 67, 171-2, 179 Pearse, Padraic Henry (1897-1916), 47-8, 52, 57-9, 70, 98, 110 Peat, 112 Pembroke Richard de Clare, Earl of (d. 1171), 11 Penal Laws, 12, 14 People’s Democracy, 225 Phoblacht an, 90, 100, 120, 125 Phoenix Insurance Company, 40 Pirrie, Lord (d. 1924), 49 Pitt, William (1759-1806), 14 Pius XI, Pope (d. 1939), 98, 100, 136 Planning Acts, (1934), 119 (1939), 119

(1963), 208 Plan of Campaign, 31 Plan for Production, 150-151 Plunkett, 1947), 61 Plunkett, Sir Horace (1854-1932), 32-33, 44, 83 Plunkett, Joseph Mary (1887-1916), 61 Plunkett, Lord, William, 16 Poblachta Christoivil, 193 Post Office, 76, 80 Post Office Officials Association, 210 Post Office Workers Union, 210 Poynings Law, 12-13 Presbyterians, 16, 20, 49 President of Republic, 106 Price, Michael (d. 1944), 79, 120, 121 Privy Council, British, 76, 81, 106 Proportional Representation, 126, 136, 216-217 : Protestantism, 11-3, 16-7, 20, 25, 26, 40, 42, 43, 46, 47, 48-9, 55-7, 66, 91, 98, 99, 100, 110, 133, 135, 144, 176, 178, 211, 219 Public Assistance, 119 Public Order Act, 225 Public Safety Act, 1923, 82 1927, 80, 82 Purcell, Frank, 159 Quadragesimo Anno 100, 136 Radicals, 18 Radio Eireann, 107, 170, 173, 190, 211 Ralahine, 36 Redmond, John (1856-1918), 27, 34, 43, 52, 55, 57-8, 91 Redmond, Captain William (1886- 1932), 79, 80, 89, 91 Referendum, 81, 100 Reform, 18, 197 Representanti in Terra 98 Republican Congress, 90, 108, 120, 134 Count George (1851- — Republicanism, Irish, 15, 23-5, 27- 8, 52-3, 59, 60, 61-70, 71, 77, 78, 80, 82, 91, 93, 95, 99-100, 103, 106-8, 109, 120, 122, 125, 126, 127, 138, 139, 141, 142, 143, 144, 146, 149, 150, 152, 155, 158, 159, 160, 162, 163, 175, 211, 213, 229 Republic of Ireland, 144, 172, 183— 190, 196, 208, 219-220, 224 Rerum Novarum, 135 Restrictive Practices Act, 147, 169 Richards-Orpen, Captain Edward, 152-153 Rooney William (1873-1901), 36 Roscommon, county of, 61, 155, 164, 167 Rural District Councils, 85, 97, 99 Russell George William (42) (1867- 1936), 32-3, 52, 56-7, 83, 92, 179 Russell, Sean (1890-1940), 79, 109, 111 Russell, Sir Thomas William, (1841- 1921), 33 Ruttledge, Patrick F. (1885-1952), 103, 114, 117, 124, 132, 133 Ryan, Frank (1900-1944), 79, 120 Ryan, Dr James (b. 1892), 103, 114, 117, 147, 161, 165, 166, 186 Ryan, Richie 194, 223 St Endas, 47-8 St Itas, 48 Saor Eire, 82, 86, 90, 101, 116, 213 Saorstat Eireann, 39, 67-70, 72, 73, 74, 76-7, 78, 81, 83, 84, 93, 94, 95, 97, 100, 104, 106, 107, 125, 126, 131, 133, 135 Saor Uladh, 148, 211 Saurin, William, 16 Schlegel v. Corcoran and Cross, 135 School Attendance Bill, 133-4, 135 Seanad, 74, 88, 106, 117, 119, 141, 149, 165, 172, 196 Sears, William (1868-1929), 93, 95 Second International, 35, 59 Select Committee on Statutory Instruments, 172 Shannon Airport, 140, 185, 203

— Estate, 185, 203, 210 Shannon, River, 16, 30, 76, 81, 84, 88, 93, 95, 223, 224 Sheehan, D. D., 42 Sheehy-Skeffington, Owen (b.

1909), 123, 215 Sheldon, William Alexander Watson, 152 Sinn Fein, 28, 37—39, 43, 54, 56-58, 61-66, 72, 71, 75, 78, 79, 100, 101, 106, 107, 120, 135, 143, 144, 147- 148, 151, 157, 176, 193, 203, 204, 211-213, 215, 216, 221, 226 Sligo, county of, 155 town of, 60 Slump of 1929, 81, 86, 90, 93, 95 Smith Frederick Edwin 1st Earl of Birkenhead (1872-1930), 59 Social Credit, 120, 121 Socialist Party of Ireland (S.P.I1.), 28, 39, 55 (1916), 64 Social Welfare Act, 147, 165 Society for the Preservation of the Irish Language, 50 Soviets Irish — Arigna, 67, Bruree 67, Co. Clare 67, 70, Knocklong 66-7, (Cos.

Limerick and Tipperary 68, 70 Stack, Austin (1880-1929), 69, 79, 106 Star, The, 82 State Censorship of Publications Act 1929, 99, 100, 134, 178, 179, 180, 181 1946, 176, 178, 180, 181 1967, 197 Statute of Westminster, 76, 80 Stephens, James (1826-1901), 24 Studies, 175 Succession Act, 192, 201 Suez, 151 Sugar Company, 129, 132, 202 Sunbeam Knitwear, 124, 131 Supreme Court, 133-4, 135, 159 Surveys: Ordinance, 203 Soil, 203 Sweetman, Gerard (b. 1908), 148, 150, 166, 171, 172, 174, 193 Syndicalism, 36, 39, 60, 78, 90 Synge, John Millington (1871-1909), 52 Taoiseach, An, 106, 142, 144 Tariff Commission, 93-94, 95 Telefis Eireann, 190, 195, 196-7, 211 Tenant Rights League, 21, 24, 45 Thomas, J. H., 103 Thornley, Dr David, 224 Thurles, 57 Tillage and Crops, 86, 101, 105, 112, 113, 114, 115, 130, 153, 154, 155 Tilson’s Case, 177 Timoney, John, 160 Tipperary county of, 24, 51, 70, 115, 126, 160 Tone, Theodore Wolfe (1763-1798), 15,17 Toner, Father Jerome, 115 Tories, 18 Tourism, 81, 140 Towards a Just Society, 192-3, 223 Trade Loans (Guarantee) Acts, 92, 124 Trade Union Act, 113, 122, 158, 159, 209 Trade Union Congress: British, 33-4, 56 Irish, 34, 39, 121, 122, 158, 159, 167, 209 — and Labour Party, 56, 60, 66, 67, 68, 69, 70, 71, 75-6, 78, 79, 80, 87-90, 91, 92 Transvaal, 54 Traynor, Oscar (1885-1963), 111, 178 Twomey, Maurice, 79, 109, 120 Tyrone, county of, 57, 62, 66, 148 Ulster, 11-13, 25, 26, 37, 41, 55-7, 157, 219 Ulster Covenant, 55 Ulster Custom, 13, 49 Ulster Volunteers, 55—56, 59 Unemployment, 67, 65, 81, 87, 88,

90, 106, 109, 118, 119,, 123, 145-— 6, 147, 150, 151, 166, 167, 184, 187, 208, 222, 232 Unionists, 16, 27, 28, 31-3, 40, 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 49, 54-7, 58, 59, 61, 62, 65, 74, 83, 91, 96, 99, 109, 110, 127, 131, 144, 147, 172, 218, 224, 225 United Ireland League, 27-8, 31-2, 35, 41, 42, 45, 55-7, 59, 61, 74, 125 United Ireland party, see Fine Gael United Irish League of America, 27 United Irishman, 211-212 United Irishmen, 14-6, 20, 27, 36 United Irishwomen, see Irish Countrywomens Association United Nations Organization, 141, 149, 189 Universities, 84—5, 106 — Catholic University of Dublin, 46, 51, 74, 196 — Queens University, 18, 46 — Royal University of Dublin, 46 — Trinity College (Dublin University), 74, 91, 135, 176, 178, 196, 197 Vocationalism: see Corporatism Vocational Organization Commission, 109, 122, 137, 176 Voluntary Health Insurance Scheme, 149, 156, 173 Wages Standstill Order, 112, 113, 121, 122 Walker, William (1870-1918), 34, 229 Walsh, James J (1888-1948), 81, 93, 95 Walsh, Thomas (d. 1956), 155, 156 Ward, Dr Francis Constantine (1891-1967), 119, 141, 158, 161 | War of Independence, 63, 65-68, 75, 83 Waterford; city of, 62, 73, 134, 136, 203 county of, 204, 215 Westmeath, county of, 141, 175-6 Wexford, county of, 59, 152 Whigs 18-9 Whitaker, Thomas Kenneth, 174, 183, 186, 187, 191, 199 Whiteboys, 14, 1 30 Wicklow, county of, 114, 150 Wolfe Tone Society, 212, 213 Workers’ Republic 224 Workers Revolutionary Groups, 90, 120 Workers Union of Ireland, 71, 87, 113, 121, 122, 159, 160, 214 Workmens Compensation, 119 Yeats, William Butler (1865-1939), 52, 179, 180 Young Ireland Association, 126, 127 Young Ireland party, 148 Young Irishmen, 15, 21, 50

bY wr I

SSS Sr D. R. O’Connor Lysaght is a direct descendant of Arthur O’Connor, the United Irishman, and of Feargus O’ Connor, the Chartist Leader. Born in Wales in 1941, he came to Ireland in 1959 to take the Honours course in modern history and political science at UCD.

Graduating in 1964, he returned to England and began writing for the periodical, The Week, his reports on Ireland attracting immediate attention. Back in this country again, heis now writing a study of the Irish Soviet Movement.

THE REPUBLIC OF IRELAND Starts where Connolly’s LABOUR IN IRISH HISTORY left off. There have been many books dealing with the history of the Irish state since it came into being: this is -the first to be conceived and written from a Socialist point of view. In his own words, Lysaght was moved to write ‘partly (as a historian) by the sheer badness of ninety-nine per cent of Irish historiography on the pre 1916 period: partly (as a political scientist) by the lack of any attempt to analyse deeply the social structure of Ireland.’ The book begins by analysing Irish society up to the Famine, evaluating what the author calls ‘the bourgeois historical myths of the period — Gaelic Ireland, Grattan’s Parliament, and Daniel O’Connell.’ Having thus set his own terms of reference, Mr Lysaght continues through the period between 1847 and 1910; studies in depth ‘the Revolution Subverted’ — between 1910 and 1923; discusses the Cosgrave Administration and the De Valera regime; and then deals with the Inter Party Governments and developments under the post 1957 Fianna Fail Governments. He considers throughout the economic and sociological interaction of certain key elements in the State: the petty bourgeoisie, the Church, the small farmers — and, of course, organized labour. At the end of the book he offers an appendix that is at once a comment on the past and a positive programme for the future.

Will Ireland ever become Socialist? And if it does, how will Socialism develop in the new yet in many ways Conservative country we live in? These are important questions and, whether THE REPUBLIC OF IRELAND evokes admiration or violent disagreement, it is the first important attempt to answer them.

21/- Cover design: John Skelton