The Left and the Downing street

declaration The lett in Ireland today, as in the past, is dominated by separate and rival traditions of Marxist thinking. On the one side we nave the reformed stalinists in the shape of the workers party and the Communist party of !reland. 8cth parties nave welcomed the Downing street declaration. The communist party believes that Sinn Fein has been given an historic opportunity to join hands with the SDLP and Fianna Fail;

The Downing Street declaration, for all its limitations, at least acknowledges the Irish people as one people. That must be built upon by further struggle and by winning international support , and the opportunity for the Republican movementto be involved in direct discussions with the Brit‘sh and in the National Forum for Peace and Reconciliation could be vaiuable in developing the turnback of Irish public opinion to a confident assertion of national democratic rights [Unity 8-1-94 p7.} The Stalinist strategy for winning national liberation struggles towards compromise with imcerialism affecting many national liberation movements across the world. Tne outcome is always the same; the courgeois nationalists always stad vorking class anti-imperialists 'n the oack at the most appropriate mevement. in ireland today the offer to maxe Albert Reynolds the cusiodian of the national struggie should De reoudiated.

Stalinism in Ireland is today on the decline. Its place onthe left is claimed by organisations like the Socialist Workers Mo vement [SWM] and Militant - both of which claim allegiance to the anti-stalinist tradition of Trotskyism, while often showing scant regard for the political programme he espoused.

The SWM show a’classic opportunism in their reaction to the Downing street deciaration.

lt offers nothing to workers and can not bring peace. How couid it when it was drawn up by two Tory Governments who have shown nothing but irish Committee For a Marxist Programme Having stated the obvious they go on to show a happv indiffer2nce to the possibility that sections of the anti-imperialist movement might support the siatement.

instead of pinning any hopes on Major and Revnolds we need to pulid um working class unity trom oeiow. Tne first step :n that -will mean buiiding a united fight back against Tory plans to impose a wage freeze, tocut student grants and to out VAT on fuel. {Socialist Worker van 94 p3] The SWM hopes to avoid campaigning on the right to self-determination by displacing this fundamental democratic principle unto an absiract call for workers unity. This evasive action will win socialists few friends among politically conscious Irish workers. Over an extended period of time it would mean bowing to the weight of unionism within the Northern workingclass. Although inthe past the SWM has severely criticised the bread and butter politics of the old Northern Ireland Labour panty, it is clear that their own position is only a ieftwing version ofthis. Their refusal to take a clear positicn in the maior political debate involving working ciass militants in Ireland today is the politics of socialist evasion. It serves their movement and the struggle as a whole ill.