Lessons of the Struggle

Twenty five years ago the British Army was put unto the streets of the six counties. “Acting in support of the civil power” it was to act asa force of persuasion promoting “reconciliation between the two communities” and the re-establishment of “peace”. The the legitimate grievances of the Catholic population were to be addressed and their representatives given a place in the political process. Twenty five years later the British state is singing the same song but this time with different backing singers - the Republican n.ovement. Pleading for the British to be the persuaders in a process of reconciliation and avowing that the unionists cannot be forced into a united Ireland, they have declared their goals as: “peace” and “inclusive dialogue” involving all representatives of Irish nationalism.

With such an analysis and programme the struggle against imperialism waged by the Republican movement is clearly heading for a defeat. That after twenty five years the leadership of the struggle for most of that period can see a progressive role for imperialism shows that a new leadership is needed. One that understands the essential lessons of the last quarter century of struggle.

Part Of The Problem The first lesson is that there is no progressive role for imperialism in resolving the Irish national question. It is part of the problem, not of the solution.

"there is mc progresthe Irish national question"

The compromising strategy of the republican movement was born of the out of the belief that Britain does not want to be in Ireland in the first place. Thus in the nineteen seventies victory was always just around the corner. In the last decade it was declared that the long war of attrition was succeeding. Now the exhaustion of the struggle has reduced the Republican leadership to pinning its hopes on a united nationalist family, pressing the British to leave, if not now, then sometime later, maybe.

This view of Britain's interests is not uncommon. In fact it is near universal. Every-one from the unionists to the Dublin government, the SDLP, Sinn Fein and even sections of the revolutionary left in Ireland such as the socialist workers movement accept the statement that Britain has “no selfish,strategic, or economic interest in Northern Ireland”.

It's patently obvious that Britain does not continue to occupy part of Ireland for it’s love of “the democratic wishes of the greatest number”. This confusion about the British presence creates a whole set of tensions; the Unionists are confirmed in their fear of a sellout and ammunition is given to Dublin and the SDLP when they argue that Britain is playing a neutral role and that the only obstacle to peace is the IRA’s campaign.

WHY BRITAIN IS STILL IN IRELAND What has yet to be explained is why Britain continues to fight so hard.? Why has it fought for twenty five years, now subsidising the six county economy to the tune of four billion and waging a dirty war which damages its international reputation.?

If any observer doubts Britain's commitment to staying they should look at the massive rebuilding of army and RUC security installations all over the six counties.

Defeat in the North would not

just be a momentous defeat for the British state. but a defeat of part of the state .It would bea defeat of that state and its reactionary forces with exemplary powers. The working class in both Ireland and Britain would be much strengthened by such a blow against its enemy,.

[It would destroy the colonial and semi-colonial structure in lreland which safeguards capitalism in that country. The potential for uniting the working class of Ireland and mobilising as an independent political force would be immensely increased.

In this sense the battle to defeat the democratic struggle in the North is not a side issue but a central part of the struggle against the state which is the key defence of capitalism in these isiands. The importance of this issue gives some indication of the scale of struggle needed to defeat the British occupation.

ALL-IRELAND STRUGGLE This leads to the second key lesson to be drawn. We can now see not only the scale but also the nature of the struggle needed to defeat imperialism. It must be one which includes the whole of Ireland and draws support from the working class of Britain.

If we look at the history of the present struggle we see that in the South the periods of most intense struggle has prompted solidarity action from the working class, who remain supporters of national unity. However, not only has the Northern struggle not “spilled over” into the South to create a combined 32-county resistance but also neither has a mass solidarity movement been created. Mass action after Bloody Sunday and during the hunger strike mark the highest limits of such solidarity. Certainly no combined 32-county struggle can be created under a republican leadership that promises only a 32-county free state capitalism {nor should revolutionary socialists fight for one]. The present 2% vote for Sinn Fein ata time of crisis and electoral flux in the South shows the utter bankruptcy of their programme "a republican leadership that promises only a 32county free state capitalism"

there.

Even in the North republican electoral support is confined to only one-third of the nationalist vote. It has proved incapabie of rallying all the oppressed around its banner and now seeks unity around a “nationalist family” which includes a Catholic middle class happy with a relatively Downing St.

Declaration NATIONALISTS SOLD OUT ONCE AGAIN. privileged position in the remnants of empire and a Dublin government reeking of corruption, a champion of imperialist exploitation and about to embark yet again on a massive drive for austerity and deregulation aimed at Irish workers. As one speaker said at an [rish steel/TEAM Air Lingus rally in Dublin:

“They aim to wipe out 70 years of social, economic and trade union gains - we say, over our dead bodies!”

A challenge to the Northern state must, by its very nature, challenge the Southern state aiso and only revoilutionary socialists can offer such a challenge. Creating a force to present that challenge is absolutely necessary for victory in Ireland’s democratic struggle for seifdetermination. Rather. ireiand’s socialist revolution is the only context in which self-determination can be achieved.

### HOPE

If our first lesson indicated the

scale of the task and the second its nature, the third gives us hope that it can be achieved. British rule in the North will remain unstable even if republicans end armed activity and accept the politics, if not the letter, of the Downing street declaration. This is because the greatest victory of the 25 years of struggle - the smashing of Stormont - is very far from being reversed.

The British have found it necessary to build up the Catholic middle class in the North and draft in Dublin to support a partition solution. It didn’t need these props 25 years ago and the need for them today makes it harder to continue its reliance on unionism, which recognises only its own sectarianism as the basis for a solution.

Creating a stable compound out of this mixture, while many nationalist workers remain unreconciled to British rule is not a recipe for stability. There is little chance of a return to the calm of the early 1960's.

In the 26 counties the working class, despite emigration and unemployment, is not totally demoralised and retains the capacity for struggle.

The recent European elections, with increased votes for the Greens and the reduction of the Fianna Fail vote to 20% in the capital. demonstrated the fragility of the existing political system.

The republican movement, after 25 years of struggle, is about to commit political suicide. British imperialism and Irish capitalism stand with draggers drawn above the body but they too are weakened and confused without a really credible strategy for the pacification of Ireland. The weapon to defeat them, the Lrish working class, is already in motion to defend itself. The task today is to reorganise and build the independent programme and self-organisation of that class

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sive role for imperi- alism in resolving