Free Citizen: Vol. 2 no. 10, 4 December 1970

Vol.2 No.10

TWO WEEKS AGO FREE CITIZEN

REPORTED THE VICIOUS ATTACK

UPON THE WORKING CLASS BY

BLOODY BARBER THE BRITISH

CHANCELLOR AND THE WESTMIN-

STER GOVERNMENT. THESE

HEARTLESS BULLIES HAVE ABOL-

ISHED FREE SCHOOL MILK AND

PUT UP THE PRICE OF SCHOOL

MEALS, PRESCRIPTION CHARGES

AND DENTAL AND OPTICAL

TREATMENT. THEIR BRUTAL

MEANNESS WILL HIT HARDEST

AT CHILDREN, AND THE LOWEST

INCOME GROUPS - AND ALL TO

CUT THE INCOME TAX ON THEIR

MILLIONAIRE CRONIES.

FR se

REGISTERED AS A NEWSPAPER AT THE POSTOFFICE

_ NEWSPAPER OF THE

- PEOPLES DEMOCRACY

WHAT THE ANTI-UNION LAY

@ Unofficial Strikes will be banned and the strikers Subject to fines or jail sentences for organising or taking part in them.

@ Official Strikes can only be declared after a waiting period of 60 days and a special ballot of all the members. Any breach of the regulations will mean fines or jail for the individual striker and a fine of up to £5,000 a day for the union.

@ Wage Agreements and Contracts will be made binding so it is a crime to break them by striking for higher pay when the cost of living goes up.

@ Sympathetic Strikes and blacking of goods from @ strike-bound firm will be outlawed. @ The Closed Shop will be outlawed and scabs, blacklegs and non-union labour protected. é ‘This. Bills theindustrial equivalent’ of the"Udionist"Gé¥ernment's Special Powers Act: IT MUST BE FOUGHT!

Hand in hand with the cuts in social services by Heath and Barber comes the British Government's plan to shackle trade unionists.

The plan is simple. If the government merely cut the social services and left the unions alone the working class would win back, by militant industrial action, all that they had lost. If the Tories are to do their job as industrial policeman for the employers an attack upou the unions was inevitable.

Neither the cuts in social services nor the anti-strike Bill have been accepted by.Stormont yet. It is rare indeed that the parasites at Stormont hesitate to introduce another attack on workers but now they're running scared. Chichester-Clark, Faulkner and Bradford realise that the events of the last two years have left Northern workers angry and militant. A vicious attack on their living standards like this - could drive them together, regardless of religion, anda united working class movement could shake Clark and Faulkner till their bones rattle like castanets. So the Unionists so far have postponed decision on introducing these measures in the North.

Meanwhile, resistance is building up. A national one-day strike has been called in Britain for Tuesday December 8th to protest Against the anti-union laws. Shopstewards in Belfast have called for a token strike here as well on De- ‘ember 8th. The purpose is to show solidarity with the workers in Britain and to make clear to Stormont that any similar legislation here will be fought tooth and nail. However the Northern Committee of the Irish Congress of Trade Unions - thaf‘workers' body which gets large hand-outs from the Stormont government - have condemned the strike. And lack of time will make it impossible to organise, except in the highly unionised Harland and Wolff's, Shorts and other engineering firms.

The P.D. fully supports the shop stewards call for militant action on December 8th by all workers well enough organised to resist victim- Northern workers to defend:their present living standards against attack. If Stormont is defeated on this then they must go on to use their new-found power to smash the whole capitalist and imperialist system here and go on to build the Workers" Republic.

BELFAST PEOPLES DEMOCRACY

isation after the strike. ‘The P.D. | Siig ee f : : will hold a public meeting at the 1: 4 Pag wat = ; 7 Fee’ n R Belfast City Hall on Saturday at PLE . Fue. dt pec. at So. : =,

SPEECHES

AND SONGS

OF PROTEST &

REVOLUTION

ST MARY'S HALL

BANK ST

224. 3.00p.m. to protest against the introduction of Westminster's social services cuts and anti-union laws in N.Ireland. All other socialist and working class organisations are invited to take part. December 8th will only be the start. British workers intend to call another strike early in the New Year which will paralyse the country for a day. Here in the North of Ireland that gives time enough to organise a massive strike and demonstration which will bring out every trade unionist in.the area.

Stormont can be beaten. Already they are talking of dropping the legislation here. Faced with really militant action they will scrap it immediately. Tues. 8th Dec. 8pm

GUEST SPEAKER

BERNADETTE DEVLIN

But the political lessons must be learnt. It will not be enough for

oN nee nar nameaserers anaene mre H : i ' > : i : ; t $ : { ; i i

POLITICAL

PROGRAMME

(CONTINUED FROM NEXT PAGE)

17, The establishment of a national (32 county-wide) Council of Delegates from shop stewards' groups, tenants' associations.and co-operative and small farmers' associations. The Council would foster solidarity among the exploited sections of the community and organise widespread support during strikes and agitations. The Council should seek to extend its control over all sections of the economy. 18. The convening of an Assembly of elected representatives from both the Northern and Southern areas as soon as a majority agrees -.

to this, and the new Assembly to replace the present partitioned ones at Stormont and Lenister House.

The function of this new Assembly is to co-ordinate, not control, the work of the democratic workers' councils. 19. The repudiation of the Government of Ireland Acts and the breaking of the links between N.Ireland and Britain. 20. The immediate withdrawal of all British troops from N.Ireland. .

21. The disbandment of the R.U.C., U.D.R. and Garda Siochana. The organisation of a Civic Defence Force under the control of locally elected representatives and delegates from workers' organisations.

All officers of the R.U.C. and Garda Siochana, .all members of R.U.C. and Garda Special Branches, and all mémbers of the R.U.C.

Special Patrol Group (riot squad) to be barred from membership of the Civic Defence Force. 22. No membership of the E.E.C., and no participation in any existing military alliance. The Unionists have brought before Stormont a bill to amend the Criminal Justice (Temporary Provision) Act. This notorious law passed four months ago provided for mandatory terms of prison for offences-arising out-of disturbances. Already it has claimed over 500 victims, now behind bars in the Crumlin Road jail. The Unionists, it is claimed, are to 'relax' the law. The only effect of the new Bill will be to make the Criminal Justice Act more eff icent in its repression and we shall have to continue campaigning against it. Our fight is for the total abolition of this repressive law and it remains our fight.

The Unionisists, like all ruling classes, are past masters at appearing to give into pressure while in fact turning the screw tighter on those who protest. That is the case with their new Bill to amend the Criminal Justice Act.

What will it mean? Juveniles will oe ee Criminal Act ‘Improved’

GOODYEAR

(CONTINUED FROM NEXT PAGE)

The convenor, the chairman of the union branch, and the district official of the union meet the personnel officer and the production manager.

If no satisfaction is obtained the cor venor, the district organiser, and the N.I. secretary of the union meet the chief personnel officer of Goodyear U.K., the Company personnel © officer and possibly the appropriate work study engineer. : If there is still no agreement after this bureaucratic nightmare, the issue goes to a mutually agreed arbitrator whose decision is final. : This process is supposed to take 6 weeks, and is rumoured to last 6 months. It may go some way to explain the frustration in the factory, it may explain why some shop stewards complain that the men are not prepared to fight over their complaints. It is small wonder if they have to face all this, This year, however, it does at least appear that the issue of basic wages will be fought. The unions also intend to criticise the arbitrary nature of job-coding, and to demand a new method of productivity assessment which allows for machinery breakdown and bottlenecks in the supply of materials. So three years experience by the Goodyear workers may bear fruit.

The situation is a challenge to the unions concerned, which they may meet. They must back the shop stewards in the factory. The must be prepared, if necessary, to support official strike action over the basic wage issue. If they fail to do this, thus compounding their failure in early negotiations, then there will be increasing pressure for unofficial action and the strangle hold of 'procedure' will be challenged, not before time. Either way this is a crisis year for labour relations in Goodyear. be sent to Borstal or training schools instead of prison. That's a change without a diffenence. In fact all juveniles sentenced to prison, in the past, automatically transferred to borstal or training school. The point that is left unchanged is that they will be sentenced to stay in an institution for six months or more. Another change is that for some ‘disorderly behaviour' offences not connected with riot, or what the police choose to call rot, imprisonment may be suspended. But again that is no change of substance. The kind of people who will escape will be quarrelling couples and drunks.

The Act was never intended to touch them anyway, but was meant to repress protest from working class areas, particularly among the young and unemployed. We have no cho‘ce but to mobilise and fight against this continued repression. FREE CITIZEN 4th DECEMBER 1970

ONOB LAW

49, Leeson Street, Belfast 12. 18/11/70. Dear Sir, The fundmentals of this letter were submitted some five weeks ago to the Belfast Telegraph for publication, but for some reason or other I have yet’ to see it in print.

So I am writing to you, in the hope that P.D. will perhaps, say, do, or even print something of the injustice, which I, and many like me, believe has been done. It concerns a young woman, Mrs.

Margaret Fennell who is six months pregnant, and the mother of three small children. She has for the last six weeks been in prison awaiting sentence, being found guilty ona charge of knowingly having in her possession a firearm, found in her backyard. Charged with her is a young man, Desmond Downey, a victim of circumstance whose only crime was in going to visit his girlfriend's sister, but had the misfortune to be caught in (how shall I put it) an instant curfew, which was imposed on the lower Falls early in July of this year, and was forced to remain there. In all sincerity I ask you: what was this woman found guilty of? Was it because she did not attempt to stop armed men as they made their escape through her house? Or because she did not turn her house upside down to look for a firearm, which one of the men concealed in the hope of perhaps returning later?

Or, was she guilty of not visiting the outside toilet in the backyard (or 'courtyard', as the learned Judge chose to describe it), even though a grenade had been thrown outside her door causing a large hole in the wall, a small item which was omitted at the trial?

Ask any woman what her actions would be, if placed in this position, and the only answer is, that Armagh prison would be full up. Another thing I should like to mention, had the Judge with all his knowledge ever lived like we common-folk, in a two-up-two-down end house, as in this case, he would never have dreamed of asking was the entry alongside a "service entrance", or called the backyard a courtyard". But then not being like us common folk it did not cause him a thought sending a pregnant woman to prison, and breaking up a family of three small children. I also give a 'No Confidence! to the Jury. Yours Sincerely, Mrs. Mary Duffin P.S. I forgot to mention that the grenade was thrown by the British Army, and since writing this letter Margaret Fennell has been sentenced to TWO YEARS in prison.

Desmond Downey was given a THREE YEAR sentence. Thank God I didn't hare to come by bus. —Major Chichester-Clark at Belfast City Hall. Belfast Teiec “aph

FREE CITIZEN 4th DECEMBER 1970.

PD POLITICAL PROGRAMME

THIS POLITICAL PROGRAMME WAS ADOPTED AT A P.D,. CONFERENCE ON SUNDAY 29TH NOVEMBER '70.

AIMS

The aim of the Peoples Democracy is the establishment of a socialist system of society in Ireland and throughout the world. The first step towards that objective is the establishment of a Workers' and Small Farmers' Republic in the 32 counties of Ireland. But, since complete socialism cannot be established in any one country, or so long as the great imperialist powers like the U.S.A. remain capitalist, the P.D. will readily co-operate with and render every assistence to socialists in all other countries.

Believing that both parts of Ireland to-day suffer from the twin evils of capitalism and imperialism the P.D. is firmly committed to the removal of British troops and Anglo-American economic control from Ireland, and to breaking the stranglehold of grasping native capitalists over the Irish people.

The Workers! Republic will be a society in which all natural resources, major industries and financial institutions will be publicly owned and jointly controlled by those who work in them, or use their products. It will guarantee to each citizen a home, a livelihood and a job, plus an adequate medical and educational service. It will encourage the development of cultural activities and end the tyranny of commercialism over art and culture. Believing that progress can only come about through intellectual freedom and the right to ‘question the established order, the Workers' Republic will also guarantee to all its citizens freedom of politic al and religious belief and freedom to disseminate political and religious views. It will not grant a special position or privileges to any religious group. The Workers' Republic will be based on a mutual respect for the different cultural tendencies in Ireland, and will work to create one unified community out of a synthesis of what is best in the different traditions in Ireland, rather than-by the destruction of one tradition by another. The Workers' Republic will be a thoroughly democratic society in which governmental functions will be shared by representatives elected on a territorial basis by all citizens over 18,and by delegates from councils of workers, tenants and farmers. All public representatives will be subject to re-call and re-election by their constituents. As much decision-making as possible will be devolved from the centre to local factory councils, tenants associations and farmers! co-operatives.

METHODS OF ACHIEVEMENT

The P.D. believes that the Workers! Republic can only be achieved with the consent of the majority of the Irish people. The P.D. hopes to win that support by building a mass political organisation throughout Ireland committed to the establishment of the Workers! Republic and totally opposed to both Green and Orange Toryism, and to sham Labourism. This organisation will work for the immediate improvement of the conditions of the working class and small farmers, but will constantly attempt to show that only a socialist society can ultimately free working people from poverty and want and give them the opportunity to develop their personality to the fullest extent.

To secure its objectives the P.D. will use both parliamentary and extra-parliamentary means as appropriate. Recognising also that grasping employers and exploiting imperialist powers rarely give up their illgotten gains without a struggle and that the law, the police and the imperialis: troops constantly defend the exploiters, the P.D. will not be intimidated by the threat of force and recognises that a certain degree of counter force may be necessary to carry out the wishes of the people. While anxious to stimulate increased political awareness and politicai activity among working people, the P.D. recognises that haphazard and directionless activity will not overthrow the highly-organised forces of imperialism and capitalism. A well-organised political movement with a clear political strategy, whose members have a sound understanding of socialist theory, is the best weapon of the working class in the struggle.for socialism, |

IMMEDIATE DEMANDS

The P.D. believes that the following measures are necessary both immediately to improve the living conditions of the working class and to lay the foundations of the Workers' Republic by wresting control of the economy from the profiteers and exploiters. Some of these measures could be taken by a capitalist government, but some could only be taken by a socialist administration. The P.D. will campaign for the implementation of this programme both by harrassing the existing government and by winning tiie public support neccessary for socialism to come to power. These measures could be applied in the 26 Counties-as_in-the “6 Counties: 1. Nationalisation »r handing over to co-operatives of all mines, inland fisheries, forests and other natural resources including large estates.

2. Nationalisation of all Banks, Insurance Companies and Financial Institutions.

3. Nationalisation, or handing over to co-operatives, of all firms and farms employing over 25 people.

4. All nationalised resources or industries to be handed over to co-operatives or to be managed by workers' councils. 5. A ban on the export of profit from any part of Ireland. 6. All remaining privately-owned firms to publish annually a full statement of accounts including the salaries of all involved in the firms.

“7, A minimum wage of £20 per week for all full-time workers and guaranteed work or full maintenance for all. An upper wage-limit for all workers.

8. An upper limit on all privately-owned farms.

couragement of the growth of co-operatives among small producers (privately owned firms and farmers) by a re-structuring of grants and subsidies and by a _ programme of education in the value of co-operation.

9. Massive ‘state and municipal investment in new industry, taking account of people's social and enviromental needs as well as economic requirements.

10. The abolition of all ground rent and absentee landlordism. 11. No-one to own more than one dwelling house.

Local housing authorities to be given first option on buying all vacant housing and housing authorities to have the power to order the sub-division or re-allocation of unusually large houses.

12. The provision of a universal free health service i.e. the abolition of prescription charges etc. and full maintenance for the sick. No preferential treatment for anyone under the Health Service.

13. Schools to be organised on a comprehensive and co-educational basis, and to be religiously integrated.

New schools to be provided by the state and all schools controlled by management committees, representative of parents, students, teachers and local authorities. 14. The provision of nusery school places for all children, and adequate provision of parks, swimming pools and playgrounds. Widespread provision of community centres and greatly increased grants for cultural activities. Commercial advertisements to be excluded from television and radio services.

15. Repeal of the Special Powers Act (N.I.) and Offences Against the State Act (26 Counties), Criminal Justice Act (N.I.), Public Order Act (N.I.) and all other repressive legislation. Rigid outlawing of all discrimination on the basis of religion, colour, or sex in all spheres of activity, public or private.

18, Guarantees of freedom and equality of religious and political belief and repeal of all laws and ordinances which give a special position to any religious or political belief e.g. the section of the 26 County constitution which gives a special position to the Catholic church and the law in N.Ireland prescribing an oath of allegiance for most public employment. No legal enforcement of the moral code of any particular sect,e.g.

an end to the ban on contraception and divorce in the 26 Counties and to restrictive laws on Sunday observance in N.Ireland. En-

(CONTINUED ON NEXT PAGE)

Come to Goodyear "Average earnings £30" say the notices in the dole in Belfast. The fact that Goodyear has to recruit from Belfast, already 120 workers travel by train each day, shows clearly enough that the people of Craigavon have learnt very much harsher facts by their own experience in Goodyear. Goodyear have denied any intention to close (how many have done so before them) but in their denial have admitted that all is not well at the factory when they say "we have opened well over 100 factories throughout the world, all of which have had start-up problems and while at Craigavon these problem have been with us a bit longer, they are not insoluble". wage structure Here we analyse some of these problems in depth: low wages and the complex system of supposedly scientific assessment of jobs and productivity are a main reason for discontent in Goodyear.

What is the wage structure, how does it work? Workers are divided into 6 codes, 1 at the lowest level, 6 at the highest. All workers receive shift allowances averaging £2. 9.0. a week. Most production line men are in codes 4 and 5, they are among the 70% of the workforce who receive bonus Payments based on productivity. A code 4 worker, who gets a productivity bonus at the lowest level (100% productivity), will earn £20. 8. 0. for a 40 hour week. A code 5 worker rated at the highest level (110% productivity) will receive £22. 18. 6.

Approximately 250 workers at this level receive other allowances for bad conditions. The 100 workers in the curing departments earn an extra £2 a week for excessive heat, and a further 13/- a week if they stay in these departments over a period. The 150 workers in the notoriously dirty Banbury department receive £2. 8.9. a week extra in washing and abnormal working condition allowances. The lowest paid workers are in Grade 1, they include janitors and Sweepers. They earn a basic wage of £15. 13. 0., plus shift allowances making an average of £18. 1. 0.

The present wage agreement is due to expire at the end of July next year. The Unions have already submitted demands to the management, and have requested a reply by Christmas. For the first time the unions are tackling the basic problem about the Goodyear wage structure. The low basic wage.

They are asking for a substantial across the board increase in basic rates, before discussing other matters. Indeed there are signs that in this year's negotiations the unions will for the first time present a serious challenge to management.

Why has it taken 3 years for this to happen? The problem of the low basic wage has stemmed from the first deal signed by the unions before the factory operfed. This was frankly a bad agreement. It ensured for the management a low starting point for basic wages. In return the unions obtained a closed shop and 1,500 due-paying members. In subsequent negotiations the unions have concentrated on marginal issues. Allowances for bad conditions were won - but these should have been an integral part of the first agreement. The company could afford to give away these marginal concessions so long as the basic wages remained low and the repressive aspects of the productivity scheme were untampered with. Negotiations last year totally failed to deal with the basic wage issue.

A derisory increase of 6d. per hour was won (even that increase on the basic rate was worth more than all the other concessions put together). bad conditions Financial problems are one cause of discontent in the factory. Working conditions in some departments are another. A wurker describes the Banbury rooms thus:- ''Banbury's are machines in which rubber is compounded from resins and chemicals. There are two rooms where this is done hidden away at the back of the factory.

The air is thick with dust, the walls are black, the heat intense and the ventilation bad. The worst chemicals are the carbon black and pigments (a fine white powder like flour) these are constantly used | and fly all over the place. Workers work naked except for overalls provided by the firm." Another worker talking about this section

THIS ARTICLE IS BASED ON IN-

TERVIEWS WITH GOODYEAR

WORKERS. WE WOULD WELCOME

ANY CORRESPONDENCE ON THE

ARTICLE OR ON CRAIGAVON IN

GENERAL. ANYONE WISHING TO

JOIN P.D. IN LURGAN OR OBTAIN

EXTRA COPIES OF THIS PAPER

CONTACT: MISS MARY

CAMPBELL, 190 EDWARD

STREET, LURGAN

says "if you call coal-mining a dirty job then this is dirty". Few in Craigavon are aware that coalminers work in Goodyear, except that they work with-chemicals not coal. The company denies that there is a health hazard (see this FREE CITIZEN 4th DECEMBER 197(

THE BAD LIFE «* GOODYEAR

week's Lurgan Mail for award of £1,000 against Goodyear in a dermatitis case). Below the Banbury's (underground is an area where the rubber from the Banbury's is milled "this is the worst place in the factory, a Dante's Inferno where the rubber comes down at a temperature of 300° and-again the air is thick with dust and ventilation poor."

The curing departments for radiiator hose and fan belts are little better: ''The men have to take lengths of extruded rubber and fit them onto moulds, again at a temperature around 300°. Often men get minor burns on the body and arms while turning to get more raw lengths for processing". Shop-stewards and militant workers have had serious difficulties in dealing with the problems of a new factory on this scale. Many did not have experience of large-scale industrial concerns before. Many of the workers were unemployed or very badly paid before they came to Goodyear and thus initially found the factory an improvement. The high labour turnover (itself a symptom of discontent) inhibits effective organisation. The American Management is highly sophisticated, shop stewards whose only education is experience find themselves bogged down in the sheer complexity of the agreements, At every level they have to argue with well-educated plausible man-~ agerial staff. They cannot contest procedural rules because they are laid down in the Union management agreements. Often those who do challenge the management are offer ed supervisory posts. Many shop stewards have begun to understand what is wrong, but meanwhile frustrated rank and file workers complain because the shop stewards find it difficult to achieve results. A look at the grievance procedure will show how management and union officials from outside the factory have helped to tie the hands of the shop steward.

restrictive rules If a man has a complaint he goes tc his supervisor. If he gets no satisfaction he goes to his shop steward, the shop steward and the complainant meet the departmental head. If no satisfaction is obtained the shop steward, the complainant, and the departmental head meet the divisional manager. If no Satisfaction is obtained after all that the shop steward writes out a grievance form and the circus is hardly begun. The shop steward hands the grievance form to the head shop steward or convenor. (continued overleaf) Printed and Published by Peoples Democracy, 88 Ladybrook Park, Belfast.