“On Wednesday, February the forces of reaction tested their…”
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Irish Trotskyist1973Partition and the national questionLabour, the left and left unityLoyalism and unionismPartition and the national questionLabour, the left and left unityLoyalism and unionism
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On Wednesday, February 7, the forces of reaction tested their strength, Industry and business was brought to a standstill, intimidation and sectarian violence was widesprend support is essential to every fascist, were behird him. He retrented and five days later was talkinj; about t ¢ things protestants and catholics had in common, about neighbourly relations. He even refe.red. to the previous Wedresdzy's violence as "senseless and stupid" - as near to a condernation of loyalist violence ever to come Craig envisaged 2 tre ty between "Ulsterfof easing some confusion among the most as loyndists rampaged. But Craig and eumpan found Tess support thor he expected.
irom Craig. A Dominion of Tlster was suggested.
ad the U.K. safegucerding “vital British interests". In other words, the basis of British Imperialism - ownership of industry and a virtually couplete control of the economy would rerain,. The only difference would be that Craig and his crories would be free to "police" the six counties as they wished, SDLP There cai be no mistaking what lies beneath Craig's talk of a common allegiance to Ulster. He made it clear that his Dominion would be no place for those who did not shure his narrow loyalties, Fower sharing would only operate as lon: as "minority groups have an allegiance or some other relationship with tjority elements".
The reaction of the Ulster Loyalist Coureil to the SDLP's offer of talks illustrates this poi::t, The ULC said the SDLP did not represent the working clase - its policies were too extreme! But the ULC were riyht cn one thing. The SDLP does not represent np section of the working class. No organisation with the interests of the working class in mind would countenance talks witha fascist like Craig. The SDLP represents only the petit-boursecisie, the middle class, of the.minority, the people who ask only that there be a st=ble society in which they can get back to the serious business of mking money. It is upon these elements that fascists thrive.
law and order W.at promises does Craig give toa the working class None. His only prouwise is; "WlLster nust emerz:e from this crisis with a really svurung constitution; and and Government that carries out tough law and order policies". That needs no explanation. But the Press his chosen to ,ive Craig's speech a rosey glow of moderation - emphasising the mention of common links between protestants ad catholics. It gave a wholly false imoression but it did have the effect got their fingers badly burnt. Craig He found that few middle class people, whose blindly sectari« of Craic's supporters, But Craig and the fascism he peddles is not easily destroyed.
fascists ‘ascists feeds off the feurs of the petit-bourgecisie, the small business men, the middle class, and uses the lumpenproletariat, the thugs and the work-shy. Craig's change of strategy was designed . to win back middle clasa support lost it the excesses of the strike, but in doin; so he lost some of the lumperproletari:t support. But Craig is a skillful operator and his appeal to loyolists, b th middle and working class is strong. While thit continues he poses a threat to the entire working class.
independence Recently Craig has been putting forward a collectior of fissures to show that an independent six counties could work economically. Hut his approach his been too simple. Yet Greig is a cumming politician and undoubtedly vot 2 stupid Tan. He paints only hakf the picture in his propagand. to the working class. The reason why is simple, If the protestont working class was to clerrly ubderatend the economic snd political relationship between Britain and the six cou ties, the capitalistic exploitation and the role of the unionist politici-ns, then they would reject Craig as surely os they would reject imperialism. That Britain takes between . 400m nnd 700m in profit from six county industries does not apeear in his figures, There is nothing in-his statements ahout the exploitation of the working class by i:dustrialists, nothin, zbout the poor conditions of the working class that form an intgral part of the capitalist system. For it is the capitalists that Craig represents. He is the man who promises them a new anpitalist stability so that they can exploit freely - he is the fascist/ continued next page:
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mically, and that menne politically as well,fascism works. Complete government control There is only one wey forward for the working class of the six and of the twenty six counties - the Workers’ Hepublic, free of eipitolist raig's Dominion; from puge five/ put wh:-t would be the realities of riig's Uls ter Dominion. There are two ossibilities. Hither a ne, otintec indepenence with Britain, The six counties would hen become a neo-colony, controlled econy Britain. Craig would assume the role f Britain's strutting governor. ight leave "Ulster" to its own fate. an nstable region on the edge of the ERO, it jeht not be considered a grent loas,. With nveatment in industry drying up economic isaster would loom. Craig would be dictatComrades! workers!
It is necessary to read "TRISH TROTSAYIoT" -regularly?
BUUR oELKVICe® stand in Castle Street every saturday afternoon!
were to be miintained. exploitation, organised for and by the working clasa.
And see the FP1QUGH Le or of 2n economic wreck. Sweeping coven ment control of every aspect of life would be taken in order to stabilise the econeny on behalf of the enpitalists. All workers' organisations would have to be amished for their would be ne room for protest in Craig's Dominion. That is how in the intercsts of the espitalists. This Or Britain would be 1 likely development in the case of the first alternnitive also if stability That is what Craic would hove in store for ua. That is why he is anti-working class why he and his ideology mist be smehed.
REVOLUTIONARY |