Theses on the National Question

q —_— a ain pro ses on the . | twe Liy eu = rd] Dy National Question iz at The followin: Theses was sdooted by the 2G st its founding conference, feb. opr 1972). we the 4. he begis of soliticel questions is not to se found trzutolosically in ah the wey wen think, but in the wsy sen live. Thus the content of the notional ye question develops 2long with the social relsticns of production. The Asser= it tion of notions] unification nid gelf determinstion wos originelly ue rd = from the sourveoisie, in the epoch of progressive cenitelisn, where cousodity 22: sroduction strove to defeet feudolisn. Consodity production, by cefinition Pe: requires e acrket, Generelised com odity or ocuetion, cepitslisn, thus nece- Ed -iteted the unification of tist market ond its politice 1 consolidetion. To secure this is the sp BS task of the bourgeois revolution. Implicit in it 4" fa ack r “ tr EF is the solution of the «crarien problen wits cevitclism, lend, lebdour, power end themesns of adacts n beceme couwiodities. In feudalism, the socisl sur- fe plus is expropriated =nd consumed oy cless, ‘These socisl relations ust be * overthrown :nd the land secomes productive capitel - ownership is tus troansferred snd canitalist accumuletion is | allowed. De 2, In the esssult on feudelisa, the revolutionsry cless le 45 other oppressed of clesses since by itself it is too weak to chellenge the stete, The uneven tc develovment of cepitalisa Lescs to adveonced productive forces nenetr, ting @ ae feuiel stste - thus in Russia! in 1914 enterorises eunloying » “ver 1,000 or worzers cownrised 41.4°° of the industriel sector, the compere ‘ble figure in ov the US wes 17.0... 5 8 consequence a string working cless rises to ‘challenge oi the feudel state, ‘The position of the bourgeoisie is t.erefore we k, for to nz defect feudalism it requires the wort:in; cless vut wiere Cromwell could smash ic the .evellers, tie working class, vrovided it cen ~ain the susport of peesantry re Bt cen gussh the bourgeoisie. The latter, apprehending the dynenic of revolution re abrogetes its revoluticnsry role. ‘he proletcsrian, in achieving the t2sks of i: b.urceois proletcorien cen only consolidate them by asking the revulution per~ menent by =pssing directly on to the socieplist rev. lution. 6.

es 3. The Irish Nationel question must be seen in the context of coloniclism and SJ impericlisn - the low of uneven end combined a6 Re EnE oper.ting both he internally and externally to it. ‘The 1798 Rebellion merked the end of boury- ai eoisie es a revolutionery force. Its defeat ley in pert to the process which ie gave birth to it. Colonizlism ied cree ted a sectorian division within the le peasentry snd other claeses, wiich strengthened OSritish Rule. In the North pe Zast, the Ulster Custom preve 2iled hereby iaprovesents carried out by the we tenants benefitted them. There were lon, leases erented after the illiamite ee srs and these gave e measure of security. Whe rest of Irelend was in the scrip] ir of rac’: rent. Landlords often absent, screwed the peasentry leaving them the j Ve b=rest subsitence. This was enforced by 3ritish military coercion. ‘hus here te the netionel question was closely linked to l=nd znd to the destruction of the de feudsl institutions of oppression. th

iO al ig= Bsed ae eh amntry Pion te grip he ere the Since the peasantry is aot. > revolutionery clesa in itself leadership uust be provided wy snother cless. This the United Irishuen fziled to do. Popul:ticon ifowth end the ecnsequent nrescure on the icnad led to bitter competition between the frotestcais and Catholics, due to,the l:tter's eccevtence. of lower divin; ateudcrds,. The caste differentiction beceme institutionalised in the Toundins of the trenuge Lodte in 1795. Its recctionsry velue wes evorecisted by the rulinzs clege ine its supores :ion of the '98 retellion, thus further Stren thening the divisions.

~, .The United cpap en.» -d been Presbyteri-ns in the Vorth-,:st predowinsntly boursecis but with the bio you xd tion of tie urben srtisens. Coleniclisn which ned split the pessentry by. dif:erin-= ioné@ tenure, hed given. virth, throuch vhe develon ent of capitsliem, to sew clesses which threctened to si-sh it.

“he Ulster Gustom brd been cruciol to tie rise ef the linen industru. It hed permit'ec sufficient sccusul tion to allow = rural wnufscture to flourish.

it benefitted from tae narotected British RETeet as a teriff: free. sccess to it. iwaye constricting its expension wea the leck of credit fecilities, jolutesiock, bi aes eve. which illustrated the titfielties of copitelist secunul-tion, uniter coloni+l] concitions. Nevertheléss this development, surelLled ay the cotton. industry srovide sufficient elses besie for leunching f revolution against the Grit-sh occunction, With the eruschin, of the 'S6 the bourgeoisie us a whole renounced cuy reveluticasry role. ‘ne course cf yae Jrench revolution wos greotly disturbing te them cnd from then on tiey a confined their politic Ianits. *cLivity to reforn within jritish conztitionsi we 5 De The peascutry es @ class is stomised in reletion to production ond the ferket. fith the loss of bourcecis leadersiin enc, until, the Lotter »scrt of the 19th. century, without 2 wortting class one, the petseptry wes uncbie to ecauieve the tasks of the bourseois revolution, ihe basis of tue seething euscontent in the most of Ireland wes the systes of lend tenure. The destruction cf feulal institutions, «a2 tius elso the soluticn of the n-tionel question expresses the linits of the pesssnt movement, The consciousness of the sovesent jeined from the Uni ed irishmen but could not trascend its nation=1 bose, ie@s could not by itself ccieve es secislist.one., OUrceniset+ joncily, its forus were sinil, rly limited - they were conspiretorizl, es their militery function deusnded, but iaplicit in this wes the cbendenwent of tie politics! struggle. his is correctly illus:rsted by the fevelopuent of the

TRA.

6. Throughout the 19th century, the Morth-¢esr a intsined its cenitealist growth. his was illustre.ed in the growth of wenufecturing towns, the uost significant ef waich was Selfsst, .t the tine SE the Unicniits vopuletion hed been 20,000 by 1841 it wes 70,000 by 1861 it wes 119,000. The coning of steem power in 1825 spelt doom for domestic m*nufscture in its full form. The ¥aaine threw meny off the lend but the poese ite euigretion increcssed the wage levels of the wecvers, m-kin, stees vower core econonic. By 1659 Irelend surpessed +ngl2ad in the nuaber of spindles in linen senufecture, By 1866 there were over 10,000 power looms. These teaded to be concentrated in the Worth Bast’, by tha itiddle of the 19th century 1/3rd of the sills in Irelend were fs or deer Gelfzst, wiich eecounted for over + totel »sroduction. ‘Thus the orth s2st developed a thorough inlustrisl capitalism. Inetecd of wishine to concolidste the home m-rket the bourgeoisie in industry de-ended on the iuperislist markets of Sritsin. hie developed throug: the coloni:1 link during the rise of the linen beck, itself beosed on the consequences of colonislisn, = oy a -* 7a

“ith roel: rent predonin ting in Irelond the hone .Yket wos of dubious value, esueciclly considering the dominent form of l-nd tenture. This illustretes well the re-ction-ry ncoture of the imperislist stege of copitelisu, its disinterest in builcin,, o bslcneed structure for the econony. This, ¢lthoush the most odvenced stage of capitelisu wes to be found in the Worth gout, it wes not 2 procressive form ond the leyer of the veurgecisie bssed upon it could ot be exnected to even attempt the tesks of the bourgeois revolution.

ie 4th the rise of industriel conitalism the Cren,e Crder = naced snother ‘peo t leen beckwords. ven before the fecine tension especiplly in Delfest built up repidly between Frotestent ond C-tholic leyers of the working clese.

4835 uerked the beginnins of serious sect-ricn riots sud these procezded with oninous recul- rity. vert [rom the obvious (end continusl) short term cdaventege — im 190; dershi hers, h pol: conte: hice. tions polit Trist aced 3 iallybeen of 3 avlit workin: cless the Uren e Crider developed oan explicitly politicel side * function. The letter pert of the 19th cen ury witnessed the re-erlergence of aved the Irish bourgeoisie in »oliticel lesdership. Hoving defocted its landlord Bue @ section, it could sopee] to the peesontry en. thereby use this considerseble ir co: socinl force to Jevend concessions from Dritein. Such a. sovement (or rother, fered as will be shown, the plebien Republicen movenent thet threetened continuolly cs.

to seize the initistive from it) wes obviously antetonistic to the north-eestern ten 2: industriel leyer of the bourseoisie who required > sure Union with Hritein, ond end f wiose surplus velue wes ensured by sectsrian discrinin:tion thet would be = sep thresteaed by cn Irish Parliament in Dublin. Thus, the Cronge Crder becrne a tie li re-l weapon agoinst the developing procressive novenent continuing thereby, its end wi link with its sure resctiontry origins. Tris’ ge Lf: 8. The Sost-Fanine Irish notion=] bourseoisie wos uinly of the “sonboen" leyer (service -né distributive with some sell, ucinly «grieculturel besed nufecturer: Thus It menesed to utilise the asrsrian interest end (helped by the post 1070 decline subj in rurel property velues) even to sssuete it. It wes, es @ntislly, e compredor p te: cless based msinly on usury, there it wes industriel like its northern opposite kille numbers, it wes dependent on Sritein or its iuperiel scpiicts, It wee thoroughly fin refornist, interested only in consuwa7 ting ite power nolitice ly by schieving H E of: | iYome Rule’: its control of the (st present, British-run) strte mochine. It rreol wos Getholic sectorion: from 1882, tie Church pluyed en intesrel role in its to t politic:1 orgenis tion, :n@ in turn, this aid not encesr it to the Northern Sug Protestants. 3uch e ¢loss covld not carry out the tesks tracitionelly ©s o- ewhet cioted with “its revolution, In 1914, it secented bet only its liuited ein ormsl of ‘“ieme Rule“ but the sertition of its ccuntry.

Bhe: a1 Tha teske of the bourgeois revelution left over from the United Irishmen were neck i tokep up by the st:illed workers of tie towns, In on undeveloped agrerisn i. ~@ society, this leyer of te werking cless retained considereble strength snd 1971 confidence. However, without 2 conscious proleterist to stinul-te it, it could [oth not develop « consciousness in excess of t’oce cromoed by the bourgeoisie softer é#sngthi the Fenine.s Its demands were no sore tien tose thet would strentthen ite men- )Csthi bers. Politicelly, it veered botween the Dlsnquist terrorism of the Irish 2, cn Republicsn Erotherhood ond the reformisa of its aost srticul te and lo ical boursecis politics (the buildin; of Irish incustry by teriffs, ° mercontile m-rine, etc.) Dut he vent further; is conscious ain wes to strengthen Irish cecpitalisn. ecordinsly, on tue one hend, he ottecked the strikin), Dublin workers in 1913. Doth these facts contributed toworde clienstins his sup orters® tocli: into fenianinn,

1907 (cfter o series of folse sterts) 2 third ¢leisent e.peared for the ership of the Irish bourgeois revolution, This wes tust of the unslilled ers, meny of whom beran to be trouped «round Lerkin's ITGWU, But it wos .; h politicelly rew end socially stomised. This cen be seen with reference contenporcry Russie, ere the venguard of the working cless was eriployed fuse industrial fectories. This escisted t!e growth of revolutionsry orgentions cs the exverience of the prolet:rist wos o distinctly sociel one, ond politicol content of its econoviic strugsles coul2 be dewonstrated cleorly.

irish working class, wes without such industriel edvence - except in the fcec north east. Its vanzuerd wes euong the trensvort workers, e¢ less Be fislly-devcloped grouping that those in industry. The Irish working cless pth been unable te develop Leninist orcenis-tions.

eid 1cs@ ¢lsses were the peasants: themselves not only etomised, but i iced increcsinyly with the »rocess of the lan@ reforn. The Lerger persants @ ®ssocictedc incres ingly wi'h their forwer lendlor’s, prospering through ir co-ope stive creeueries., The sseller peosents (msinly in the west) Ds fered from problems of lenc hunger sn2 were less able to buy out their lrendly ts. .md over 911 wes the wethods used to buy out the latter: the cnnuity Stern ften of tenant purchese,originslly countervosed to the treditionel Yepubliceon ond poi for land rotionelisstion, heir heir to feucalism-coul2 only be ended e sepsrete Irish Porliement. -n2 t is in itself would only be the beginnink ) fac land astionclisotion of the Lonf Lesgue of 1879, though by 1914, this its fne wos weekened as a result of the British Lend cts. Until -fter 1916, Irish pecsentry os a whole, with the excention of some smell tenents in pe farm sreas, wes sotisfied to follow the ronmbeenmen ss it h-d since 1880, Thus in the ectual Irish bourseois revolution, no cless wes oble objectively subjectively to cchicve ths sims of such o struzele. Up to 1916 the leaderp tiereof wea headed by = comlition of the tiovesents of the skilled end billed workers. \fter Connolly's murder, his epigones led the subjectively min: class organisations out of the Jer of iIncevendence into the socialist - of building the workers' econoiic power witiin the politicel power of the geoisie. This left the netty bourgeoisie to .rthur Griffith end threouch +o the gombeen tien. Helved by the supsort of the peasantry which it goeined ough supvoerted agitation ez2inst ¢ongection, it could push the gonbeennen ewhst further tian they wished, but in prectice, it couldn't sain nore than oruisl parlienentory seperction: Soorstat Ziresnn insteod of Hunecn Rule.

Fe whe north east, the economically most sadvenced section of the Irish bourgeoisie re mec its beck finally and decisively on the Irish bourceois nationsl revolum. Cn the one houd, the cetivities in Belfest of arlin in 1907, Connolly 1917 ond the lesiters of the Selfest Generol strike in 1919 united Protestant ule Cetholic workers all Jetermined the Ulster Protestent bourgeoisie to ter engthen the secterien divisions in its workin: clsss. Cn the other hend, eo— C-tholic n-ture of the bourgeois lesCership of the Irish n ional ravolu- , “nd its cewend for teriffs, however, formzl zeve more iuwedi.te recsons the Protestent caxitelists founling of = sencrate stcte of liorShern Ireland, seant the institions!ising of the division in the working eloss (through gy of tie populetion 2s Cotholic: = perm:nent but futile threcst, The mse Locge become en integral port of the ruling »v-rty of the aew stcte, Fters ther substanticting its ideolosy.

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Similerly, the subsequent .n;lo-Irish Tra ty 2nd tie nilitery suppression of he opyosition to it signalled the gonbeen ten's victory, not over the British but over the vigorous, though lesiderless, Irish working class ond pescentry.

The jseorstat Sireann wao gore than the 1914 settlenent, but itself, only euourh to split the Republicons cnough to defect the irreconciloble wing thereof (end then econonicelly the trede unions) without trouble - first. ‘The Governnent ¢ sa0rstet sireenn accepted os Free Trade policy, in contrediction to the treditionsl zits of the petty bourgeois ertisons whose movenent its founders hod been sble to subvert. Notional unity lsy far beyond it = And, es ever the gonbeen mens’ sovernzient lesnt heavily on the Catholic Church, t:us further justifying Orenge denuncistions of “Rome Rule", ..nd the workers who clone coul’ fulfill the tasks of astionel and ogrericn revolutions were divided end deuoralised. 10, The world capitelist depression of the thirties. Ceveloped the contradiction within Irish society. The working cless could not teke advantece of then, The victory of the Finnnea Foil Perty in 1932 wes besed on the socicl unrest enong the snoll peasants, The victorious Prrty implemented the economic policies of the young Griffity, es the Cosgreve Perty (Cusienn ne n@sel) hed failed totally to do, The ending of the lend ennuities to aritein bergen protectionist ph-se in Ireland's tenufecture.

The oltvenced capitelist leyers retali-tec by attempting e union with fescisu as it wes precisely thiseection which structurally required access to the Dritish tiorket. O'Duffy's Slueshirts were drewn up eczinst the Republicans, os the cles.es they represented were. Lesdership ascin provéd the erucicl weekness, ihe IR failed to trenscend its oilitery structure and develop politically. ‘Thus between tie antogonist clesses De Velere wes allowed to crowl on to the Bonepartist throme. The recdicol renublicen wing was pleyed egeinst C'Suffy. The differsion which wes achieved tended to blunt the ¢less conflict, Sonaportism cen only exist in times of sherp class conflict and thus the st7ge is soon reached when the norty in power, h=ving schieved a Wecsure of stavility must then choose its class base, De Valera wes true to the trecition of Bonspsrtist grave digvers, The Coal-Cattle Pect was signed in 1955. in Belfast, tie gononic crisis coubined with zsovernment erregance, nonaged to texporarily unite the worl.ing cless. IRA end t's fought shoulder to shoulder defending Shenkill end Fells essinst the forces of the crown. Wh-t should be noted is not the breaking of the ireuge ideology, but its onsging resilience.

There were sectarien riots in 1955, directly induced by the Stormont Government.

The profougd ccononic ond social crises hod revesled thotthe lend cna n-tion-1 questions were still conerote, The.f-ilure of ony visable revolutionery lesdership to materialise hed allowed senublicanism to be channeled into the Fionne Feil Party. Its strength, however, con be geuged by the defe-t of the Blueshirts, cven though de Volere conceded, In the lorth, the survival of the state dllustreted the durobility of the secterion institutions end thus of the ideology 11. The IRA compsign 1956-62 illustrotes the linitotions of o purely military orgenication. The relztion between the political conscivusness of its cless bose cnc thé militery structure is an erbitrery ond non dislectical ones The Republican ceoucunity community wes not mobilised end defest wes the only con- ¢lusion, 7 Te. =o! ere sol The enc thi he

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n of ditish Crys énourh (end lent ¢ Pedi od er ye Fs | fe eitctio The Hong es of ally i Se a] ao per be be. nnent. arp bagt hl derhake istate Golocy rad iy The thoory of the IRA wee b-sicolly on ideclist diversion of.the acterielist tc Lleetic = the fish were Breaded on nish pround, In revoluticn ry theory, aiLit ry tsctics only override noliticcl @dircctives when the stoge of civil Wer is re ched, It is not nilitery action which brings sbout the civil wor, but the politiesl strutsle which ciffarentistes the cless structure into its antagonittic sections, Cnly in tive tine of sharp.closs strugzle does the Wilitery perspective prevsil, =nd cvyen then it is within strict politicsl linits, In controdicting thi- the IRA illustrated its petty bourgeois (per sent ond ortisen) consviretoriel origins.

12, The originel acterisl base for the netinsl question, lend, hed been eroded in pecordonce to the lew of ecpitclist secumul tion. There bee been a_drastic snc continuing fell in the number euploysd in the cgricultural section’, Tho solution of the lend question wes foun! in sossive enicrotion from the Lend, There hos been © progressive incresse in the weight of the incustriel sector onc thus of the proletecrict, especislly in the 26 counties. whe conclusion fm this is thet the besis of the n-tionol question is no longer to be found in the lend. In the seme wey, wit! the development ofucrpitelism, indeve ent skilled workers, from whom the Republicen Moveneat drew its most ective uembers wos stecdily driven out of business end proleterionised, This wes 5 quentotive rither then 2 qurlitetive vrocess, further, tis wistble basis for old Republiecn belicfs = the continued survivel of cn indesentent Irish Industrious ecpitclism was elinin ted the development of t'ct copit lism in proctice cnt its inability to trow ce on. indenenden: forces. 73. ‘Tho @ecl-r-tion in 1965 of Free Urrode between the 26 counties .cnd Britcin (efter 10 yeors of “open house" te foreign industries) m-rked the buricl of "“npogressive e>pitelisn, nd ite frilure to resist iopericzlism. The 26 counties hice been wsimiloted within the Jritish economic structure end its chcorocter is of neo coloniclisn, sntry. into the Common iicrket. will see the further ceclins of Irish ticnufreture. ny contre] over tho economy thirt the rich bourgeois hos will inere*sinsly be surrendered to internztioncl erpital, irvedy Free Trode hos helped tewrrds lorge redundsnecies cud high uneiiployuent The troditionel renedy of eciigrstion hen beén restricted by the rccestion’ in the Eritish economy. The Sritis: bourgecisie therefure wis: to-consummcte the bourgeois revolution in Irelonc by introducing the ceioerstic.. norms. of the Orsote Order ond prevented in the e riy 20th ccatury. The inplenentotion: of this would ensure the first oper-tion of consercicl. relotionss 14, The bourgeois demotrstic de:on’s of the Civil Jichts ! evenent were met, net with concessions, but with the violence of tie dote. The notional question returaen forcefully to the politicol sceno with the C-thelie section of tho N.Irelcnd working closs niliteatly Nepublicen., The Northern ruling closes hes no Lloimer chy etononic ned ef the ittserinlist morket of Britein. The. sectors “eas reqnuiced this ct the beginnins of the century icve dec ined substcnticlly ani the tcia, developaint hee been in the sttrection of intern‘: tioncl. eonitel, The intertst of th: Pulin: ¢l-sa tins ciss in Cawecrc:cy. dowever,, the govern= ment of MN, Irelend, iteelf is ci expression of soctzricnism in ite constitutionclising of the Cringe Order. 4. thorouchly recction-ry structure is tous criled upon to Uniertcke progressive treks, i.e. the grentvins of democrccy.

The dunkers of Gernmeny were instrumentel in the develonnent of conitealisn thus trenscending the contrediction between feulcslisn 2nd copitelisnm, f[lowever, the oncslogy is lost in the cxec of Ireland, There if no prosressive capitclisa, end there ere ne feudsl relstionc te bresk = the axisting sociscl reletions are thoroughly cepitelist. Thus the tock o. the ruling cl7sa is eo purely political one. But to dismoentle the state of Northern Ireland, which the renovel of the Creuge Urder from the institution would cuount to, would to the ideology upon which they rule. Seing determined, the Protestent leyers of the NH. Irelond working closo exists in 2 priviloced position vis « vie-the Cothelic l-yers, Tuis is the concrete expression of tha Oren e ideclosy. The forces of >rotucti n, slow es they hare noved, ‘have outstripped the suger structure. It wos the prinit tive response of the strte to the Civil Rights cgitction which insured its ese-lction to corded struggie. The TRA was positioned within the Cotholic. lz=yers. of the workin clceos, This strencthened the (ronge ideolory in 26 .uch 2s ib, mode it explicit. The cropnies were to lice cown, Thus tie rulin; cleas of I, Irelsnud -ad its usnipul-tor, Jritish Imperiolisn were IPsced with the choice = either smesh the b-sis of stcte by exorcising the Cronge Order or suppress the Cotholic lryers on! then reform, There hes been on historicsl tendency for the tronge Lodge to casune a dynamic of its own. If the bourgeoisie sbdicste control the conditions would f-vour vory strong recetion, ith the Brit’ sh -ymy being incre sin ly used os 2 political wespon of Stormont the choice taken has becone clecr, Sither involves a controciction: the «zotive behind cny politics] sction of the iritish is to ensure cless stability, ond both the courses onen to it roquire 2: powerful me military involvement, 15. (9) The incompleteness of the bourgeois revolution hos led to politicsl contredictions which re bscel upon the n-tionsl question, (b) iictionel unity, the introduction of bourgeois=cenocrotic nore require the sueshing of the Gronve ideology, which is instition:-lised in the Northern Gtcte, cond (though this uty be leso of ¢ tesk) of destroying the confesnionsl noture of the 26 County RNenublic, (¢) The only close conable of this is the wo king closs ss noither section of the Irish bourgeoisie is ceptable of mobilicing sufficient force without contradicting the closs interest motiv-ting it, (a) The socislist revelution e-nnot levelop without the Protestont lcoyers of the working closs, but its inclusion first requires the festructicon of its ideolory. : (e) As pert of the tsk the Cotholic sectorisnisa of the 26 County Republic must be exposed end denounced st gvery turn. This is porticuleorly necess ry in thst there it 3 resl denger thot 25 the notionol atruggle dcvelops the bourreoisie of the Republic will try to divert it into introverted aAenophobic and Catholic sectariscn lines, 16, Our togks therefore sre to extend politicsl ond astionel solidsrity to those forces whith cre ottenpting to crush the Stormont stete, This is sost vigorously undertoken by the Provisional Lit, This orgsnaisction p rticul rly suffers from the historicel] linitations of the petty bourgeois conspirstori:l Eroups Th in

It is essenticlly non-politioal - which eons thst is is open to influence from non-Socizlist, or even onti-Sociclist forces. Its linitstions sre shown by its opposition to sureeding the nstionel struggle into the 26 Counties, as exemplified most concretely by its =c¢tion (or rother, in-ction) in the Republic curing the weck -fter the Derry ouriterc, Gorcinor Place is ‘ore cerrect on’ the’ oll-Irish n-ture “of the etruscle, byt its tencency is to depead on the seoceful struetle = north 2nd south, This is shown moat glerdngly in Morthdérn Irel-tnd for waich the United Tristinzn is still cslling on Sritish Imperiobism to impletient > Sill of Rights, The politicel persvective of both wings of the Republicon Movement is bound to l--c into - blind alley. (i) (The dliusions ofthe Provo lesdership in ficnno Foil seni ticir.refugsl to link the struggle North ent douth, {ii}. The Reforuist politics of the Cfficiorl, Leedership ms ‘expressed in their strves ticory, unicruines the b sis for » victoricus solution to the a tioncl* cucstion Tt wust be politicelly on) seciclly deepened onc tede totel. The Six County stotelet, must be surshed ond the strugzle linked north, cnd s uth in fcee of eriuge oppositions 4 i Therefore we should supiort; the Civil 2esistonce Comupeien in Herthern Irélond in tortnern Ireland insofor es it ig:s- ] (2) boesed on the lenocrotic street cotoitteés of the uctionslist comaumity; (b) becked by the nilitent Esvin Street Sepublicens; (c) b cked elso by the socislist People's Denocracy: (This 2ves net exclude our supyort for the prouressive struggles of other froups puch’ oe TICK, VICTERY VO ‘Tihs! SAIC STRUGGLE = iSOLIDARITY Ith THE IRA —— a a SLASH Tay Of HGR Se Te pardetreprandrclr Fe Sr Sik ae SPR DD TEE STRUGGLE | NORTE! 0p J. UTe hteidica ode du Rhaghte: | tae Bae LC me FCH 2, oo LAR. SOCTAL TST E

FCA. JGRLD 300 L313

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GF. -BURGPY

eed (Note: It mey seem o bit ebstract just saying thrt the working cl-ss is the only class cepeble of thieving the tosks of the bourgeois revclution, Unfortunotely,.tuere is little wore concrete to soy due to the politiccl development. of the cless. Its strongest (thouzh only prrticl) expression is in the Nepublicon J.ovesent. The Provos oper-te in > politicol vocuun and tie "Stickies" accept reform content to sllow the bourgeois deuocrats to power. on the becks of workers; Thus the orientstion to the Nationel ‘luestion.is precisely to ad-velop the politico] ccnsciousness of the working class, to cttenpt to drow the strugsle from its present blind flley. In the 6 Counties it is of vital importance, while in the 26 Counties = much fiore brocd jecul-r Secislist,opprosach is likely to be nore successful. Nesdless te say the conclusions will be the sane.