Document

document.{ REPORT OF TSE SOCIALIST. PARTY OF IRSLAHD TO Tim 3rd TNTERMATICNAL.

SES SPECIAL NOTE OM PAGS 34}

The first attemot at establishing a sccialist varty in Ireland was made by James Connolly on his return from Scotland to Dublin in 1&6. Gathering a few friends arcund him he embarked upon propa ganda which issued in 1&8 in the production of a weekly paner called the "Workers! Republic." By 1903, the Irish Socialist Renublican Party, as it was called, had been almost completely extinguished in Dublin and Corl, the twe centres in which it was established, to an unrelenting secncnaall nersecution of its members by the Nationalist and Cathslic reactionaries. Its members were scattered abroad, Ccnnclly and other members going to -the United States, others to Great Britain and the British Colonies.

The files of the "Werbers' Republic" of -that-nerisd-shew-the vassage of the Irish Secialist Republican Party from the stage of socialdem cratic nolitical vorepaganda with a programe of valliative measures to that of rev-luticnary socialism, basing itself uncn the industrial organisation of the working class, without denying ti its self any field oR gad nm uonm which it could meet and do battle with the forces of cani Bef=re passing from the work of the I.§.RP., it igs well tc observe that t was the first Irish crganisatison of any. lind to exnress in a public manner the hostility «f the Irish peosle in general to the piratical nolicy of the British Emmire in attack ‘ing the South African Republic and the Orange Free State in 18{°=-1903. The lead then given with a courage that none of the bourge>is parties could muster decided the attitude -f the Trish nation. Anti-recruiting work was very effectively done by the vnarty and several members were arrested.

In 1504,the Sccialist Party of Ireland was founded by the survivors of the I.8.R.2>., and maintained the revolutionary traditicn. In the industrial struggle between 1567 and 1:14, its members were the unnaid vronasandists of direct acticn who welcomed the work cf James Larkin in founding the Irish Transnort and General Werkers' Unicon established in 1S0S to be an industrial union of Irish workers. James Connolly's return t> Ireland in 1510, restored ts the varty an asset of immense intellectual and nrracti cal valve. Operating at first as the Partyts organiser, he and they recognised that, in the then industrial and Psychological condition of the country, the propaganda of sccialism, anart from industrial organisation was an alm-st hopeless task. Joining the Irish Transyert Wrokers' Union as Ulster organiser, James Conno lly continued tc work for bath sides of the mcvement.

The capitalists of Ireland realised the extreme danger of the Socialist form of organisation, teaching and practising the solidarity of labour in every inlustrial disnute, and in 1°13° the federated emmloyers

ee of Dublin began a series of lock-cuts against the I.T.G.W.U. The struggle was maintained for tw: years wotil the outbreak of the War in lsi4. The British Government in Ireland, all the p litical parties, (ammnz which the Nationalist (Jlome Rule) Party was predeminant), the noress, and the clergy, both Catholic and Protestant, co-operated with the employers against the workers, a telling lesscn in class solidarity, valuable in @ subject nation whose neovle had always been taught to regard every Irishman as a brother.

Cn the outbrea’ of the War in August 1514, the Socilist Party had no doubts or hesitaticn, It declared war uncon war and disrlayed the legend "We serve neither King nor Kaiser." Co-overating with it were such peonle as Francis Sheehy-Sheffingtcn, who was a nacifist socialist, but the S.?.1I. was not pacifist but anti-militarist.

During the 1513-14 loc!.-out the savage attacks by the »olice uwoon the workers had jed to the f-rmation of the Irish Citizen Army: a military foree commesed solely «f wrkers for the vrotection of the pecnle from capitalist viclence. On the denarture of Larkin t. America, James Connolly took command of the Irish Citizen Army, verfected its equipment and »repared te tale action when the om yrtune moment arrived.

The Citizen Army was nliedged ts fizht for the Rev-luticn but its membersiin was small and practically confined t Dublin.

There was als: in existence the Irish Volunteers, a much more extensive organisation, established t» win the political indenendence of Ireland.

Connolly.effected an alliance and imdled the Iris: Volunteers mward epen war. At the crucial moment, the commanding ufficer of the I.V.

counter-manded the mobilisation crders for Easter Monday 1616, and in consequence the rising of Waster Weel. was confined to Dublin. The leaders of the Volunteers who to-k un arms cn that cecasion, men like ?., rearse, and Sean MacDermtt, were those who had reached identity of outlook with Connolly during the pre-war inductrial struggle. The result of the conflict was the surrender of the Irish Forces after a week's siege cf Dublin by 66,000 British trocos who had at their command all the resources of m.dern armament, During the week, no movement of Critish lab-ur tock nlace to assist the insurgents. Sritish labcur, indeed, was rendered useless and helsless at the crisis by the Social natrintism «f the trade unicnists and the Tolstoyan »acifism of the Socialists. It had been Connolly's hope to signal his fate to fail at the mement because Euronean Socialism, where it is powerful, was faithless, and where it was faithful was at the moment ~cwerless. is orally exnressed belief in his fellow rewoluticnaries? cco-oneration, is the justification cf the attemmt to begin in Ireland the >olicy that triumphed in Russia. Hany members “ff the Socialist Party narticinated in the struggle, some were filled in action: James Conn lly, a wounded orisoner cf war, was tr’ed by court-martial which assembled arcund his bed, and nlaced 1a cha'r, bis arms and legs fastened by bandages t- it and carried thus to the nlace «f execution and shon. At the mement -f the insurrect.on, the Prit sh Labour Party was in csaliticn with the bour-

Pinte se geois parties of Engtand, Mr. Arthur Henderson,.Hér. Ym, Bruce, and Mr. G.H. Roberts being members of the Minis —. am first mentioned having Cabinet rank. Naturally, the Secialist Party of Ireland did mot mdify its : eipoubtion to Inmerialism, recognising in it the mo8t complete expression of canitalism, It was reorganised in 1{17 after the release sf the interned pr soners and began such activities as the conditions permitted.

When the Russian Revolution occurred it was »romot t: reccgnise it and to point out that its progress mist be from political to indvst ‘ial from democracy to socialism. The call to Stockholm was resvonded ts and as no passports could be cbtained arrangements were on foot ts secure the passage sf the Party's delegates by cther means.

The definite triwmsh of the Bolshevii: forces was celebrated in Dublin by a startling demonstation, woich, by its size and enthusiasm astonished even the oremetors. About 16,000 people attended the meeting which overflowed from the Round Room of the Mansign liouse into the streets. The sneasers were with one or tw: exceotions all members of the Socialist Party, including Wm. 6'2rien, Secretary of the ‘ Irish Laboum Yarty and Trade Unicon Congress, Thomas Johnson, Treasurer r of the same, Catthal U*Shannon, editor of the “Voice «f Labour” and U.?. Coates at »resent organiser ff the "liands off Russia” movement in England. ea ‘ he, When Comrade Litvinoff came to Eng zland, a delegation from the Sccialist Party was sent to greet him and t: assure him cf the Party's co-operation with the Russian Proletariat.

When it was nrow sed to comveng.an International S.cialist conference at Berne tc re-constitute the Internatio mal, the Socialist | Party of Ireland decided unanimously to narticinate in it for tw reasons First: to cleanse the worlinzt class movement. from the elements -f social vatr otism and coalition with canitalism which had characterised, :n part cular, the British, French, Delgian, and German constituents during the war.

Second: to bring before the world the subject motte n of Ireland under a military terrorism fully endorsed by the Eritish Labsur Party.

The first aim was defeated by the abstention of the Cummunist elements, but our mandatories established friendly relaticns with the commnisis of Switzerland and France. The second cbject was attained by securing rublicity at Eerne and at the Amsterdam Commission a resclution was unanimously adonted called for unfettered self-determination fcr Ireland; a resoltuion which was »romotly belied by the British Labour Party.

But before the Amsterdam Commission had met, the Socialist Party had received the reportof its mandatories at Berne and had decided to cease all further commection with the 11 International.

OS a a EE

a The Marxian character of the Socialist Party of Ireland has been consistently maintained. Its Literature distribution department has grown steatily and has been confined ts: the works of Marxians.

Its wn publications have been the worss »f James Connolly and "The Vistorical basis of §cialism in Ireland" by T. Brady. The writings of Marx, Engels and Daniel De Leon have been steadily circulated dvring the past twenty years. ‘Jithin the nast three years, thousands of sampllets cn Russia, and by the Eolshevik leaders, have been sold.

‘me that had a sotent influence in affecting worl:ing class action is "Phe Land Revelution in Uussia™ by Lenin. Its circulation has been followed by wide soread demands for land by the landless labourers, and has resulted in the distribution of many large estates under the nressure of ponular feeling. While that is far short of a social revolution it is indicative of the quality of the Irish workers and their responsiveness to revoluticnary teaching.

Tie Irish Transvort and General Woriers' Unicn which now musters 130,900 members in the total of 250,U00 organised in the Irish Labour Party and Trade Unicn Congress, afforda the Socialist farty facilities fur the circulation cf this literature and for the conduct of oral “rcpaganda. The position of the I.T.G.W.U. in the Irish Labour movement and the significance of its strength relative t> tue entire body of Irish Labour, shows that the young industrial Unicn movement in Ireland, beginning under the auspices of the Socialist Party but having its greatest growth since 1516, bids fair to have a decisive influence in the destinies of the Irish Labour movement. Already the cne big Unicn is dominant and the work cf reorganising its internal structure is leening pace with its growth by the absorntion of craft and local unions. The S cialist Party has always maintained its indenendence of other nolitical varties. In the strugzle for national indevandence, while endorsing the claims =f the nation it has ceaselessly or:clained "Ii Sacirse gy Sacirse Lucht Sibre”® - "I> Freedom without the Freedom of the Vorling Class", It has invisaged that freedom as based uncon the econ Mic organisation of the actual workers. It has rejected alyays the idea of »n-litical administration of social industry and regarded particination in electoral struggles as a means of orc paganda only.

fhaus the Soviet organisation with the dictatershiy of the Sruletariat has arcused no controversy along us. B:th are fureshadwed in James Ccmncllyts "S-cialism made Zasy (Chaster 5). “The Jorierst Renublic" is our idiomatic nhrase which anticipated the recent spread of the nhrase "The dictatcrshi» of the froletariat". The content .7 both is identical. Laying the emhasis thus upon industrial organisation, the substance of power, cur members have given to the 1.7.9 G.i/.U. its sresent basis, wionm the direct revresentation of the workshe» in the Shon Stewards Committee, an integral mart of the Union's organigation. Werkshos Committees have been formed in all large slants. lecently in a dismite in the rural Creamery district, fourteen creameries were seized by the workers and overated by them as the "Soviet Creameries‘’, This was caly

mossible owing to the Linlcing of each creamery with the others in the Transnort Union Creamery Committee. Workers’ Councils are formed in all small towns and during the general strikes cf 1516-1515 and 1520 these Z councils have taken fyll ¢ontrol of ford swmlies and lindred matters, = some cases crdering the British police (an armed force) to be confined to barracks. The » licy cof the general strike has been adonted by the 2 Trish Labour Party ¥ Trades Union Congress with sreat success on three necasions. Gn the Zxecutive sf that body are four members of the Soviet (sic)(Sccialist) Carty of Ireland, to whose revolutionary initiative the Movement owes its renresentation for direct and fearless action. ‘Tw: of these members are William 0'Brien and Cathal o'Shannon, (editor of the Matchword of Labour) who have been immrisoned without trial and were released subsequent to the genenal strike, serine wich two members of the $.2.1., J.W. Burns and J.2. White, 5.9.4. Ex Cantain of the British Army) were “arrested for >rovaganda amongst the british soldiers.

Qn the side of education the party took the initiative in establishing the James Connolly Labour College, a federation of the Labour isvement f>r the purnose of Marxian education witiin the mvement, Courses of lectures in econcmics in industrial history and sublic speakiag have been given during the last two winters and work has been carried into the rupal distr’ cts. The Socialist Party has now got branches in Dublin, Belfast, C: irk, Newbri¢ge and Slig, and a larve number qT ce rresponding menibers in other narts cf the country. x The absence of big “ndustry with its corressonding ideclugy, the wide diffusion cf a svarse sonvulatien, the »redominance of agriculture carried on by small farmers, many cf them »easant sronrietcrs, the preeccumation of the pe nle with the Struggle against Eritish inp erialism have been cbstacles of -mm-rtance in oreventing the snoread of revolutionarr soc’alism, The terrvrism exercised, during, and, ina worse degree, since tie war, by the Erit.sh military occu: pation, has prevented oronaganda by means of lectures. “ur Comrade John McLean, of Glasgow, was ations those wh. have been »revented from addressing meetings under our auspices by sheer force -f arms. The terrorism has been approved and confirmed by the inaction .f the Eritish Labour Party, wiich indeed Hag its own reason to fear the Irish Socialist msvement. The friendly co-operation between the revoluticnary sections in Eritain (t'e 0.4.F.

the ‘Jorvers' Committees and the Yorlerst Socialist Federation and the official Labour lovement in Ireland, threatens the social-natrictism of the British Labour Carty with coscsiticn from within its own ranks.

That this opposition scrings from revolt against is own imserialisa, it dees not seem to realise.

On the other hand, the Sucialist Party of Ireland enjoys the results of its own lean work in the economic field, and the rrestige of James Conmully*s martyrdom. In nlace sf the unrelenting hostility with which he and his colleagues met in their rovaganda the revoluticnary messaze of Communism is heard gladly by the Irish neonle. In the last three

tk = years it has been impossible to respond t all the deuands made upon us by peonle to participate in the worl. [ut steadily pursuing the work of agitation and education, cons: lidating it by labour orga.nsation, that .s building uw the new society, c.-gnerating with the niti tant forces of discontent, and rejectins no weacon of offence azainst canitalism, the fegure is faced by vs with the hones insnired by the sumreme vict-ry won by cur Cmrades of the “ussian Revslutica.

(SPECIAL NOTS:- This cocument - the first time as far as we are aware that it has been made public, onsists cf a memrancum from the Sceialist Party of ireland, t: the Third International explaining its cree ‘and ~ litical nusitions. Unfcrtunately, because of »ressure cf space, we are unable tc give an untroducticn or colmentary on the history of the Sccialist Party of Ireland excest to say that it was founded with Connolly's participation and later changed its name to the Communist Party of ireland. We have in crm possessicg, a number er other such documents, as well as reproductions from the Irish Werker and Workers’ Renublic whic: we will be nblishing in future.

issues of the Marxist Neview. This we hove will give us sufficient opportunity tc comment.) BIRS NUA cr FEIMMELL'S TLIND REICH (continued from nage 5.)

irish paft of his original thecry of the Two/ilaticns - one which the B.I.C.9.

has never faced. lis belief in the revolutionary notential of the trish peasantry is shared with the C.P.I. (arxist-Leninist). Above ail his view cf regicnal assemblies is at the oresent stage a verfectly valid stratezy, but mot for the reasons he gives. Such assemblies will only be effective as bases for Socialist sevolutionary opposition tu the present crder, rather than as uncfficial bases for co-oneration with and peaceful develuticn cf the mowers cf that crder. For all its subjective revolutuicary sae cok. Nevin Street has failed tc distingvis: these aims, And this last fact points cut, <f course, the fact that within the limitations «f “Fenellisni nc successful so cial reveluticn will be pessible in ireland. And fcr this reason and others that have show, his views are only likely ts be accentable tc individuals with a vested interest in opposinz suck a revoluticn.

Nc, Fennell's views are reactic: 3 the fact that “evin Stkect can listen tc him is connected to its current failure tc coun political) the British initiative in Ilorthern Ireland, bcth are naked results of nolitical bankruptcy. Es part of their struggle against this, Revolutionaries must analysisi‘r. Fen mell's nolitics the better to expose him tc his discinles.

TROTSKY ON SELF-DETERMINATION CONTINUED. (continued from page 39) The recognition cf the right of every naticn to self-determination is for us o£ necessity fulfilled by the slogan of a democratic fedsraticn of all the leading nations, by the slogan of a UNITED STATES CF EUROPZ