Union chiefs step aside from Orange Bigots

On Wednesday (31 July ) a delegation of union officials from the ICTU met with the British secretary of state and asked him to set up an independent inquiry to clarify the events surrounding Drumeree and its aftermath. This sort of pathetic suggestion will of course be sniggered at by a British government that well understands that the trades union leadershipis an animal without self belicf. Mayhew will of course listen poLitely to the “concems” ofthe union officials whilst finding it difficult not to break into a fit of laughter. Are the British to investigate their own State forces andthe role ofthe state in backing up orange reaction?

What is to stop the trades union movement constituting an inquiry ofitsown? Whatisto prevent the ICTU setting up a forum to take statements from hundreds of witnesses? What is to stand in the way of the labour movement making recommendations as to how to deal with right-wing orange bigotry?.

The ICTU expects nothing to come out ofits meeting with the government. The union leaders are merely trying to cover over their conspicuous failure to take a stand against loyalist violence with anything like the vigour and urgency with which they acted when the IRA cease-fire broke down. Immediately after the first IRA bombing the ICTU im the northand in the south was in the vanguard of a major campaign of condemnationand opposition. Many unions took out advertising space in the national press to denounce the IRA. They were told to “get of our backs". In the south top officials like Peter Cassels clambered onto platfomms to denounce violence to mass rallies organised and encouraged by the union movement. Chris Hudson, an official with the Union of Communication Workers, at one such rally demanded the reintroduction of internment for “republicam scum". Leftist political currents like militant labour and socialist worker were quick to launch a national poster campaigns belting out the message of opposition to Republican violence.

It has not gone unmentioned in the homes of many working class nationalists how when a massive wave ofloyalist violence broke out the same trade union leaders who stood up to oppose IRA violence failed to take action against it. The trade union leaders today are merely following a well set pattern. Previously the trade union leadership failed to get behind the civil rights movement, did nothing to oppose the use of internment without trial, did nothing after Bloody Sunday, stood aside for the loyalists in 1974. Even when we hada cease-fire they failed to call for the end to the battery of Tepressive measures held onto by the state.

It is time for all those union members who oppose sectarian intimidation to take back their unions from a privileged leadership which is too tied upin government co-operation and partnership to lead workers in the fight apainst Orange bigotry. The mass trades union movement is potentially the strongest force for progressive change in Ireland yet it stays out of politics when it is most mecded and in fact bans “political” resolutions except those framed by the leadership im support of imperialism.. The potential inherent in the labour movement will only begin to be realised when the official leadership is made up of those who reflect the class interest of the members. Ordinary union members can begin that process today by demanding that the ICTU organise a workers forum to inquire into the lessons of Drumeree as a substitute for a government inquiry which we all Enow would be just another whitewash.

ANew Marxist analysis of Ireland | and its palce in the new world | | order Pd ie

----- pull-quotes -----

Further ‘information about Socialist Democracy; Belfast; PO Box 40 Dublin; 38 Clanawley Road Limerick; 109 0'Malley Park

Availablefrom August 20th; | Ireland; The promise of Socialism