Hits, Wear It!

The SDLP strategy has also been extended to local councils. In Newry and Mourne SDLP bloc voting brought the election of the first Orangeman ever to be chairman of any council in the South Down-Armagh area. Needless to say this act of appeasement also was presented as an indication of “trust” and cooperation.

In Derry the SDLP offered the UUUC a deal to rotate the city’s mayoralty between the two parties. This sought not only to gain the UUUC's “confidence” but also to stifle any possible THE SDLP STRATEGY CANNOT YIELD ANY ADVANCES FOR THE CATHOLIC WORKING CLASS AND LEAVES THE BASIC CONTRADICTIONS OF NORTHERN SOCIETY INTACT future threat which might arise, whether from what remains of the Nationalist Party in the city -or from any other catholic party. The loyalists _ rejected the scheme.

The SDLP strategy cannot yield any advances for the catholic working class and leaves the basic contradictions of Northern society intact. Even for the SDLP the immediate results have been strictly limited.

UUUC William Douglas was accurate when he gave his view of the convention recently. He was quoted as saying the Convention could not fail, ‘the members and some would stop trailing after the idea of a united Ireland. He said that while there were a number of members he would have great difficulty in trusting.

any chances”.

And as on the same day the pro-SDLP “Irish News” reported with unconscious irony, “Trust has become the new key word in the Northern Ireland Convention. It was used hundreds of times before loyalists won a vote members will debate’’.

It is inevitable that such a degree of accomodation to the Loyalists will have emergence of a new formation to challenge the loyalist state starts to take more visible shape these developments will become inevitable.

been visible.

gained over 2,000 first preference votes in West seen from the distribution of transfers that the ‘major part of these came from former SDLP kite flying exercise, in the following weeks that among others had met in Belfast, Armagh and party around Conaty.

No grouping has emerged from these FOR ALL THE MILITANT TONE OF DEVLIN, .. . HE POSES “SOLUTIONS” WITHIN THE FRAMEWORK OF EXISTING BOURGEOIS STRUCTURES. HE SEES AS DEFENDERS OF THE CATHOLIC COMMUNITY THE BRITISH GOVERNMENT, THE BUT CERTAINLY NOT THE WORKING CLASS OF THE 26 COUNTIES, OR EVEN THE ANTI-UNIONIST WORKIN: CLASS ITSELF on the model of traditional catholic nationalist ‘parties combining a harder line on loyalists with stronger ties to the Catholic church and the vittues of segregated catholic education, such as Conaty champions, or there could be a split ‘from the SDLP of its more populist elements. Fragmentation might encompass both developments, this cannot be predicted precisely although such formations might use populist rhetoric and even seek militant action to gain leadership needed by the working class.

The briefest look at recent statements can show this. he hoped it would-succeed with the consent of all the SDLP had modified their Republican attitude On June 5, even John Hume recognised this in one unguarded moment, “The UUUC was saying there would be trust — but they were not taking yesterday on the question of who will decide what repercussions within catholic middle class politics.

The crisis may not yet be deep enough to see the SDLP or a split-up of that party, but as the new Evidence of the strains already growing have At the May Convention election Tom Conaty Belfast despite a limited campaign, and it can be support. Rumours spread, or were “leaked” asa catholic business-men and members of the clergy Mid-Ulster to discuss the setting up of a political individuals as yet. Any new formation might be the coming period.

loyalist supremacy.

LEINSTER HOUSE GOVERNMENT, SELF-ACTIVITY OF THE 6 COUNTY with them. at this stage. But it can be said as a certainty that support they will be unable to supply the political Immediately following the May loyalist election victories Paddy Devlin recognised the threat posed to the catholics of the North. On the assumption, he said, “that the UUUC press ahead towards a complete takeover of northern institutions and that the Westminster Government refuse to face them as it did last May when the UWC brought down the executive then there is no one to secure or underwrite that part of the national majority that lies north of Dundalk.

“The possibility of the SDLP exerting pressure on the irish g6vernment is not so remote (as on THERE CAN BE NO ALTERNATIVE TO WORKING CLASS LEADERSHIP the British Government) and may well be the correct thing to do”, he stated in articies in the “Sunday World”. For all the militant tone of Devlin, and indeed of Ivan Cooper who has recently criticised the UDR and has also called for Irish Army support in the event of civil war, he poses “‘solutions” within the framework of existing bourgeois structures. He sees as defenders of the catholic community the British Government, the Leinster House Government, but certainly not the working class of the 26 counties, or even the self-activity of the six county anti-unionist working class itself. That is the crucial weakness of the middle class politicians.

But just as statements such as these indicate the limitations they also are evidence of the stresses within catholic middle class politics, for they are out of line of the central SDLP strategy.

It is indicative of the impasse of the SDLP and the growing trend towards fragmentation as the conflict between catholic working class aspirations and loyalist intentions are exposed in The nature of any formations emerging from the middle class political re-alignment re-emphasises that there can be no alternative to working class leadership to carry forward the struggle against Imperialism and the restoration of This perspective highlights a number of tasks for the revolutionary movement. The strategy of the SDLP must be combatted and the trend towards fragmentation aided. There must be no credibility given to illusions that cooperation with loyalist organisations can in anyway benefit the anti-unionist working class.

_ All moves towards restoring an Orange regime must be exposed and SDLP capitulation along If the revolutionary movement is to benefit from and develop fragmentation of the political force which at present holds hegemony over the catholic community, it must be able to break out of its isolation within the anti-unionist working. class. ;

Uniting in street demonstrations and protests for an end to internment, against the British Army presence and the loyalist security forces, RUC and UDR, which prevent organisation by the working class against the loyalist assassination ‘squads, in the North; and against the Criminal Law (Jurisdiction) Bill and Leinster House accommodation to Imperialism and the loyalists, ‘would be first steps in this process.