Women Arise

al Defence and Aid Fund, 50p. TOO ooo toricick When a bqok states in its early pages that some of the arguments against apartheid are thal ‘il aggravates and creates illegitimact, bigamy, and prostitution; homosexuality and drunkeness...” one is immediately thrown on guard, for such statements demand that the book be thrown into the bin without further ado!

Save for two or three chapters about the working and livitg conditions and struggles - = in South Alvica, we are convinced that the " book does indeed belong in the bin.

Bemstein’s arguemtns fall into three arem of confusion: apartheid, the family and ‘the strugele for national liberation’. “In the spectal language of apartheid," she writes, “blacks are not human beings. They are lib our units who are productive or non-pro-luctive’, One does not have to be particul arly astute to notice that, let alone this ‘special language’, exactly the same can be said about workers in any capitalist society, Throughout her book , Bernstein fails to relate ‘apartheid’ with capitalist exploitation with dangerous results: sigce in South Ar , fica, the small white working class is totally sold out to the capitalist class, the black working class is the only revolutionary class, and the only class in whose interest it is to smash the racist state. But in order to do so, it must necessarily challenge the entire capitalist system, for in no offer way can it smash racism. By failing to recognise this, Bernstein raises purely moral objections against the racist regime and implies that capitalism with a better face must be on the agenda for the South Afican blacks.

She correttly identifies that the ‘apartheid economy" depends on the wse of a cheap migrant labour force, that black women play a minimal role in this as a direct ahour force, and that the burden of rearclass! fess’ and that because the men are forced to sell their labour as migrant workers, it ‘makes a mockery of family life’, “For many’, she tells us, “a family unit ix never formed, The result is social chaos", For Bernstein, women's liberation no dewbt means the restoration of the family unit!

The most valuable part of the book deals with the struggles of women but even here, she uses these examples simply to boost the image of the African National Congress (ANC). This body did little to actually support or build the struggles, but instead tai-ended most of them and used all its opportunism to take the credit for them. An example that she quotes was the June 1959 ‘nots’ led by women against the appalling living conditions in Durban— where both men and women were brutally attacked by police and many were jailedasa result. It was not until September of that year that the ANC came to the support of these struggles by calling a special conference to “thank the women!”.

Bernstein's avid support for this movement (the ANC) is clearly reflected when she talks about the ‘struggle for natiortul liberation’, a phrase which implies that South Africa is a colony that must struggle jor at least— political independence. Since the vast majority of the African population is proletarianised, the slogan for ‘national libération’ is about as meaningful there as such a slogan would appear to the British working For black African women in South Africa, the struggle against their oppression involves immediately # struggle against the racist state that bases itself upon the exploitation of the black working class in the interest of both the South African aad'the international bourgeoisie, Their struggle involves a fight against the backwardnes¥ amongst black men whom they must eduate and win over before they can lead southem Affica to socialist revolution. Though.much belated, a serious analysis of the oppression of black women in South Africa is urgently needed. Hilda Bernstein's book will be of litte-belp fox this task.

South Africa continues to be rocked by the most massive black uprisings in its history. Throughout the country (most recently in Cape Town), Afmcan students and workers have defied police bullets and poured into the Streets to express their hatred of the apartheid system.

In the forefront of the struggle have been the youth — of Soweto’s one million population, more than 42 per cent are under 20. Young Africans, inspired by the cry of ‘black power’, are prepared now to brave even the most brutal police violence in order to sweep away the hated system of white racist oppression in their country.

The reflex of the white rulers has been to step up repression — to keep the black majority in its place by arresting its leaders and sending heavily armed police into the black townships to fire ‘into crowds of Afnican demonstrators, By 15 August, over 219 Africans had been killed in this slaughter aecerdiig to South African government sources (though the real death tol is believed to be far higher).

Hundreds of Affican school students have been arrested; and, on 15-16 August, police seized 50 African leaders in a series of nationwide swoops. Among those detained (under the notorious internal Security Act, which allows detention without charge or trial) was Winnie Mandela, wife of Melson Mandela, the leader of the banned African National Congress (ANC).

While the African masses step up their fight for liberation throughout southem Africa, the major imperialist powers are redoubling their efforts to defend their vast economic and strategic interests in the region.

The NATO powers see South Africa as a vital part of the world imperialist system. Much of the world’s trade (including 7 million barrels of Middle East oil a day, half of westem Europe'’s ofl consumption) is shipped more, South Africa has some of the largest naval bases bordering on the Indian Oceat..

inere are also large deposits of diamonds, gold and other valuable mmerais in South- Affica that are eomsidered strategically important to western imperialism. 26 per cent of the world’s uranium reserves — essential for both nuelear warheads and nuclear power stations — are located countries have armed the racist regime — in Britain’s case despite a In addition, 360 US companies have over $1.2 billion invested in South Africa — and LS investment continues to grow in South Africa by 12.4 percent a year. 500 British companies have investments in the country worth over £2,000 million Since the wages of black workers in resettle, South Africa are kept at extremely iow levels by the apartheid laws, these imperialist investmefts yield some of the highest profits in the world, GUL perhaps the most important consideration for the westem powers is Pretoria’s role as a bastion al imperialist rule on the African contin.

ent. Itself an imperialist power, the South African regime has the economic and «military Strength to advance its own interests and those of its westerm allies well beyond its borders — as the South Affican invasion of Angola last year proved, Moreoever, the imperialist powers are committed to the defence of white rule in South Africa since a transition to neo-colonial methods) as elsewhere in the continent) would be virtually impossible in South Africa's case. The ngid apartheid system has blocked the development of a black bourgeoisie; while the black proletaniat — now numbenng more than six million workers — is a powerful force that could lead the national liberation Struggle toward the overthrow of capitalism along with the apartheid system.

‘This stmtegy was unveiled by the US Secretary of State » Henry Kissinger, in Lusaka, Zambia, on 27 April Kissinger publicly called for a negotlated settlement in Zimbabwe, leading to independence in two Years. As for Namibia, Kissinger advocated a ‘definite timetable acceptable to the world community for the achievement of self-determination, In his. speech, Kissinger endorsed the so-called ‘Callaghan Plan" — a set of policy proposals outlined by Jim Callaghan in Parliament on 22 March, which included a transfer to majority rule in two years, British involvement in planning elections prior to independence, and financial hand-outs to white settlers who might want to Kissinger turned to South African prime minister John Vorster for assistance in forcing the Smith regime to knuckle under to the imperialists’ plans. This was the main purpose of the celebrated meeting between Kis(continued next page)

tissinger has put the Kremlin on notice ainst launching a “new Angola,” warn| Aggressive See army, an essential card to be played againet the rising proletarian revolution in