Day of Action

uncover the specific and unique elements of the revolution in Ireland. For example, the anti-imperialist struggle must deal with the immediate economic and social struggles of workers and confront the bureaucratic leadership of the mass of Irish workers.

Another issue to be discussed was the idea of a vanguard - the politically advanced layers who at a specific time lead the revolutionary movement. The minority argued that the vast majority of these layers was within Sinn Fein. We agreed that this was true of most of the organised layers but for from true of all anti-imperialist militants - all one has to do is compare Sinn Fein today to the to the size and power of the H-Block movement, We also concluded that the vanguard that could lead the revolution to victory had not yet been built. The Republican movement, with its understanding of the central dynamic of the anti-imperialist struggle, was an essential component, but also essential was an understanding of the leading role of the working class and of the need to unify all the struggles of the oppressed in one mass struggle.

### OUR ROAD FORWARD

In these debates our members were re-stating a central truth about marxist understanding. Unlike Republican conciousness or Trade Union conciousness it does not spring directly from our experience as militants in the struggle. It has tobelearnt. Yet it is no dry formula, but the living experience of Benerations of workers across the world. Applied by a collective organisation it is a uniquely powerful tool for analysing the problems of the revolution and mapping a road forward.

It would be impossible to adaquately summerise in one article two days of debate which covered many of the major questions of the Irish struggle and the international revolutionary struggle, For the members of PD the conference debate advance their understanding and ability to intervene in struggle. Despite the difficulties of a small organisationa and of the split confidence was renewed that marxist polities were vital to the future of the Irish revolution, Too many mass LOYALIST One thing is overwhelmingly clear in the aftermath to the Loyalist one-day strike in the North. That is that the Anglo-Irish deal contains no committment to shackle the Orange monster ercated by inperialism.

That monster was on display to the eyes of the world. Bigotry and intimidation weren't incidentals in a mainly peaceful protest. They were the central elements of the stoppage. And all the ballyhoo and bluster about impartial policing went out the window as the RUC took up their traditional role as an Orange militia.

However condemnation of the RUC or of the prominent role in intimidation by UDR members should not blind us to to British policy. There was a clear decision to keep troops in barracks and allow the Loyalist thugs free rein. The intention of the Anglo-Irish deal is to preserve Orange supremacy - not to confront it.

The Loyalist mobs did face one real challenge. That was from the large ‘back to work’ movement that arose spontaniously from ordinary trade unionists and nationalist workers. Despite the beating and the threats they did record victories - in one incident motorists enraged at the intimidation of midwife on her way to visit a patient advanced on a barricade and the RUC moved in - to protect the Loyalists! the road wasn't long in opening.

This movement did organise on a workplace and community level but they faced a total lack of leadership. Shamefully Terry Carlin of NICTU found it easier to criticise the right to strike in general rather than the Loyalist reaction that fueled this one - and he wasn't leading any back to work marches.

Ss The Republican movement warned of the danger of Loyalist attack but didn't raise the need to deal with the political offensive that the strike represented and the need to carry the fight to the workplaces.

Dublin have mentained a grim silence. After initial screams of protest the SDLP have joined them. Further debate about the role of the British and the RUC will only show how little they count for and thus the real extent of the Anglo -Irish betrayal.

This issue isn’t finished. Molyneaux may have stepped back from Loyalist violence, but the events of the day of action make it impossible for him and Paisley to negotiate. The Orange thugs, having tasted power, will want to try again.

Tom King has said ‘We shall not be moved’, but in fact there has been nothing but movement from the British and we can expect further attacks on the tights of the majority of Irish people. The SDLP's role was vividly illustrated by the details of the secret discussions with unionists. In John Hume's words ‘nothing is ruled out” - and cabinet seats for the SDLP seem to be enough to involve them in discussion.

It's time the majority of Irish workers organised against this - by organising a back to work movement, by protesting the pattern of job discrimination that gives the Orange hold over industry in the North, by protesting trade union inaction and unwillingness to confront loyalism and by organising trade unionists in the South. London and Dublin will look now towards even further appeasment of Loyalism. We should be constructing the working class power that can break it - and them.