Reality of the Anglo-irish Deal

The aftermath of the Signing of thévAnglo-Irish deal has been dominated by Unionist protest, Unionist reaction. unionit threats and unionist sectarianism. These threats have had ‘heir-effect. Thatcher, Fiztgerald and and finally Hume and “Mallon ‘have rushed tothe table to make concessions. In the process the cosmetic overlay of promised ‘reforms’ has evaporated and the bare bones of repression on which deal is constructed have show through The continued pleas with Loyalists to “read what the agreement actually says’ not having been enough, the various leaders have gone on to spell ut in detail the reality of the deal. It means Dublin support for partition and Unionist rule in the North and a 32-county offensive against republicanism. The sectarian laws in the North will be recognised throughout Ireland with the signing of the extradition deal and in the process the 26-county constitution and the basis of any political independence will be quietly set asida.

### DUBLIN'S ROLE

We don't have to rely on words alone to see the role of Dublin and the SDLP. We have three months of their actions also, These consist of:

* Daily condemnation of Republican resistance and support for British oppression.

This hasn't been restricted to condemnation of the military actions of republicans but embraces all resistance activity. Hume and Barry had no hesitation in condemning the hunger strike against the Diplock courts and informer trials and more recently Brian Feeney of the SDLP has urged on the British to further cuts of funds. to community groups supported by republicans.

* Changes in Southern society to defend in perialist interests - permanent chech-points. a new ‘Heavy pang" and now the signing of an extradition treaty that overthrows the constitution and further erodes the remnants of Irish neutrality in the direction of European militarism, * Support for unionism and partition. Fitzgerald has reached the stage where he boasts of the repression as signifying the success of the agreement and calls for a return to Stormont, Hume is not far behind, saying that while the SDLP would ‘like’ to have power-sharing he is willing to open unconditional talks with the unionists.

* Bluster about the mechanism of the agreement to cover their total lack of power.

Where British imperialism lashes out -the recent UDR ambush of civilians or the SAS murder of Francis Bradley -Dublin calls for a report. Britain is happy to oblige, knowing that nothing has changed and that the killers will stay on the streets.

### CONFUSION

50 why is there still confusion about the deal among many Irish workers? One reason is a general lack of understanding about the depth of British determination to stay here. Many believe that this has been eroded by the struggle of the Northern nationalists. It's true that this has been sufficient to destabilise British rule, but their politcal economic and strategic interests are so great that it would take a mass rebellion by the majority of the Irish people, involving mass participation by the working class, to force them out.

Another source of confusion is illusions in the Irish capitalist class. They still have the support of Irish workers because of their claim to stand for Irish unity and independence. In fact this class is totally bankrupt and dependent on imperialism, They support this deal not because it is a step on the road to unity but because they have a subordinate, role in the overall imperialist domination of this island.

### BRITAIN'’S PLAN

Britain's plan is for the restructuring and rationalisation of Irish society in the interests of imperialism. This means an end to all democratic rights, dividing the working class and preserving Loyalism Britain's policeman in Ireland.

That's why ecomonic developments cant be divorced from the deal. Preserving capitalism means savage cuts on both sides. of the border, tax hikes, and begging for US. dollars which will be used to ‘rationalise’ the economy and produce more poverty and unemployment. It also means an end to neutrality and integration into NATO's war drive.

### BETRAYAL

So, 70 years after the Easter proclaimation, Irish capitalism has finally freed itself from the shackles of its history. That's why the Thatcherstyle Progressive Democrats split from Fianna Fail at the first sign of even mild criticism of the Anglo-Irish deal and have now linked their support for Unionism with an austerity drive in the South.

This offensive against the basic aspirations of the Irish people represents a fundimental threat to sOcialists and republicans, but it also represents a challenge and an opportunity to mobilise Irish workers in the struggle for freedom.

This means rebuilding the unity of the H-Block campaign and mounting a mass campaign against the collaboration. It means discussions to build a freedom charter that restates the ideals of 1916 and refutes the distortions of the Fotun report and the Anglo-Irish sell-out. We need to go beyond the call for 4 United Ireland to spell out in detail how this represents the only real alternative to the poverty, misery and oppression that exists today. It means organising among workers and Trade Unionists to link the fight against the cuts with the struggle for unity and indepe ndence. Republican electoralism in the by-elections has not proved useful in the fight against the deal, but the idea of a freedom charter could be used as the basis of a peones Slate to mount jan overall electoral challenge to Irish capitalism in all 32 counties.

### SEMINAR

dn order to develop these ideas Peoples Democracy is organising a National Seminar in Dublin in April to commemorate 70 years of the: Proclaimation and to begin discussions on making the principles of the Proclaimation a living reality in Ireland today. Invitations will be sent to organisations, but individuals wishing to attend and contribute to this discussion should contact our branches addresses on page four.