French Elections

The defeat of the Left in the March elections was received with great disappoint-— ment by Socialists both in France and around the world. For the French working class it was particularly demoralising, having been held back by the Communist and Socialist Parties from engaging in any major economic struggles to defend their living standards, ‘on the pretext, that such problems would be solved ‘after the election victory', Why did the Left lose? Every opinion poll predicted their victory, The crisis on the French stock exchange and the devaluation of the franc also indicated a Left victory, The parties of government in France were in disarray, wide layers of the French population were demanding social change -in other words the scene could not have been more favourable to the Left, INFIGHTING Unfortunately it.must be said that the fault for the election defeat rests squarely on the shoulders of the union of the Left, The campaign for a Left victory opened up in the strangest of circumstances, It began with the Communist Party launching an attack on its ally, the Socialist Party, The main problem, it was said, was over the level of nationalisation that the new Left government would embark on, Both parties accept ed the Common ProgrammITA e's demand for the nationalisation of only nine major companies, leaving 85% of industrial production in private hands, The dispute “arose over how many of the nine's subsidiaries would be included, In 1972 the 1C.P. indicated that according to their ‘scientific criteria' I450 would be included By September I5th of last year it was down to 1008, A week later, still applying the same 'scientific' standards, the C,P.. had reduced the number to 729, The S.P. had originally wanted only 69 included but in the interests of compromise increased that to 250. This may rightly seem all rather tedious particularly if you remember that all these firms are to be nationalised with compensation and that. two of the motor car giants, Peugeot-Citroen and Chrysler-Simca are not even included, This dispute became very bitter and effectively the Union of the Left broke up. The C.F. refused to say whether they would support S.P. candidates in the second decisive round of the elections, indicating that they would only back them if the C.P.'s own vote was high enough on the first round, Indeed much of the pre-election period was taken up not with a united assault on the austerity measures and rightwing programme of the government but with the sectarian infighting of the United Left, In other words instead of the French working class being presented with a clear alternative to the present economic and social crisis of French society they were treated to a Union of the Left that seemed more interested in stabbing each other in the back than in winning the election, The result became more and more predictable as the election dates came nearer, An analysis of the results indicates just how irresponsible was the activity of the two main working class parties, RESULTS Both the C.P. and S.P. concentrated on proving their 'respectability' in the period leading up to the elections, They formed an allianee with the 'Left Radicals' a small middle class party tc the right of them, (Since the election the Left Radicals have been on the verge of a split with one section ready to join the right-wing government parties). they fought the revolutionary left tooth and nail and opposed their policy of mobilising on the streets and in the factories.

The election results show how disastrous this policy was. The Left Radicals got less votes than the Revolutionary Left or the Ecologists. And the results as a whole show clearly that the oppressed majority of the French people voted for major social change and that they would have responded igades in jail awaiting trial—many socialists willbe joining them in the repression now growing govéernment,and legitimised a quasi-military police >resexce on the streets. The growing opposition to the PCI within the unions has been isolated and only the most courageous jare to march on the streets.

The whole affair has been a massive defeat for the Italian working class. what's more,this js a conscious strategy on the part of the Red Brigades. Instead of projecting a pol*tical alternative to the reformist ~ leaders ,they direct their energies towards provokirg a strengthening of the state in order *o 'radicalise'the working class.

This can only spell disaster. to a policy of mobilising on these issues, publicised polemic between the C.P. and S.P.? Since the beginning of the Left alliance the C.P. had continued to lose support to the S.P. The last few years has also seen the growth of a strong revolutionary left, The basis of the C.P.s left stancé' was to win back its leading position from the S.P. and to squeeze out the forces of the revolutionary left, As such it was a sectarian manoeuvre and not one based on a. principled defense of the interests of the working class, Overall both parties refused to show the working class any lead, This is even more obvious in the period since the elections, The only thing that both the S.P. and C.P. are agreed upon is the need to meet and negotiate with President Giscard, Such posturing only serves to reveal the nature of their "principled" differences before the election, The demoralisation of the French workers will pass and with it will come a new period of upsurge and struggle’ in France, with or without the leadership of the Communist and Socialist parties, The close on one million votes for the French revolutionary left show .that it their policy of mass mobilisation of the workers and their allies that will head the way. in future European upsurges.

But we still retuse to join the PCI and the Italian state in their witch-hunt. However disastrovx.the Red Brigades' policies, we utterly condemn the barbarous spectacle ‘of their leaders caged and chained together by the capitalist state.

The party leaders chose this course rather than regotiating for Moro"s release. They delibwrately anc cynically provoked Mcro's death. Moro himself ma7e this point in his letters-which have not, for the most part, been pubiished. Tney are the ones who must have his death on their ecnsciences.

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POSTURING What lay behind ‘the much