Why Feminists Should — Confront Imperialism

During the last round of the H Block /Armagh campaign, the many women active in political life, in trade unions, and feminists were made aware of the case of the Armagh women, The facts of the barbaric and savage treatment meted out to these political pri soners were brought into many meetings and activities where women were present. Into every campaign, and every women's group, from those on college campus to the major women!s organisations North and South, the news of Armagh was spreading.

Many women knew little of the truth, of the sexist and degrading treatment Armagh women suffer daily, of their protest for the five demands, of the case and treatment of Pauline Mclaughlin. Many were genuinely shocked and sympattetic. They responded to the challenge from anti-imperialists, that Irish feminists could not ignore the sexist abuse of women political pri soners, nor fail to defend the right of women who having participated (on their terms) in the political struggle had become prisoners of British imperialism, But as in every other layer and section of Irish society the issue drew a dividing line. A line between those who fundamentally understood the situation to be a result of British imperialism's interference in Ireland who linked the repression of women inside the prison walls to that of women who outside the prison, suffer massive social and economic deprivation and repression, and who clearly saw the culprit for these conditions as being British Imperialism, There are those, however, who have turned their backs on Irish women who must surely rank as among the most oppressed, Within the feminist current, some argued against support for the Armagh women on any grounds whatsoever, Their "liberal" concern for 'prison reform! went out the window when it came to Republican or Provo, Others who supported the demand for women, Press Pauline Mcloughlin!'s release but refused to support the five demands are illogical and obviously prejudiced against Republicanism, Pauline!s case is and will be typical of what happens and will happen to young women militants who from the ghettos of the six counties, become incarcerated as "criminals" in Armagh at the whim of the British, Others again, agued for prison reform — But against the five demands and the campaign, Their "liberalism" could'nt stretch as far as defending the rights of women who for political reasons call themselves 'political prisoners!, What all these currents among feminists have in common is a basic refusal to accept the right of the Nationalist and Catholic community to defend themselves against repression The rejection of this responsibility as feminists to defend oppressed women and a capitulation to imperialist propaganda that those who resist oppression are "criminals", Active women and feminists thus divided on the national! question and the old dictum that "history repeats itself" was very evident. Asin the past, there are women who identify and become part of the movement against the British presence in Ireland and there are women who argue that it either has little relevance or while being aware of Imperialist domination, refuse to ally with those who fight it in practice, Of course there are the old fears, and they are well grounded in Irish history. Fears that the interests and rights of women have been ignored or subdued by "larger" issues. Feminists rightfully recoz.iise this for the mistake that it is, but in rejecting such betrayal, they fall into a trap of another kind, they throw the proverbial "baby out with the bath water", In dismissing the leagersnip of the anti-imperialist movement they suffer a loss of nerve. They cop out on fighting for a place and an identity, and take the easier and slower road of sidestepping the struggle itself, Such a road leads nowhere but up a cul-de-sac, On the whole island basic social and economic needs of working people and women are subverted to suit the ecoromic interests of the ruling class, In the 32 counties, those interests of the native bourgeoise and British Imperialism are linked together - all decisions on fundameiital political and economic change are taken with the "stability" of both stetes in mind and not the needs of the mass of Irish women, In the six counties, Britain has cow-towed to the Loyalist and Unionist backwoods men. Not even the most basic democratic rights on abortion and homosexuality have been extended to the North under British rule, South of the border, successive Governments have adopted restrictive formulae on tax, contraception, equal pay and divorce, In order to maintain a weakened open =conomy and hold the balance between Church influence and social pressure, the democratic rights of women have been subverted and denied, Such a political balance exists in Ireland fundamentally because of partition, Put simply, there would not be the absolute majorities that now exist for the church and their inevitable political power and social influence, Socialists have long recognised that women wii! not be liberated until the material conditions are created for real choice and human freedom, Such conditions will not exist until working people control all material resources at the disposal of human society. Many feminists have come to recognise this also, In Ireland, this takes a particular form, much of our res-— ources remain not only in the hands of the ruling class, but in the hands of Britain. To ignore this fact and it's implications is to prolong the suffering and oppression of women and to relegate to the far distant future any hope of women's liberation,