Ireland and the Fourth International

Papers, journals and pamphlets of the Fourth International's supporters in Ireland, 1969–1996

Fermanagh-south Tyrone By-election Shows the Way

By James Gallagher

In Socialist Republic: Vol. 4 no. 3, 1981 · scan page 6 · about 493 words

Elections and electoral tacticsPrisoners and the hunger strikes

No public scan is online for this item; the text below was read from a privately held copy.

Machine-read text, not corrected. Cut from the scan by machine, by the size of the headline type. Where columns were set close together, lines of a neighbouring article can run in, and a headline can be missed so that two articles share a page. For anything you quote, read the scan.

Scan page 6

Since PD decidedits candidacy in the May Local Government electionsinthe North, we have had discussions both with other anti-imperialist political parties We have receivedenthusiastic support but we have also been criticised. The IRSP hasasked usto withdraw topreserve the unity of the campaign and a member of Belfast SinnFeinhas publicly accusedus of opportunism.

On the question of unity our positionisclear. TheH-Block/Armagh campaign'!snationa! policy isto harass candidates who oppOse theprisoners. We stand within that policy andin fact, our candidacy is aimedat extending that into an active intervention in the elections.

General opposition to the opponents of the prisonersis, we beWHY DON ‘T YOU SHORTEN IT To: : “You NEVER HAD IT”?

Lenin in disguise, July 1917 tne bourgeois state somehow gives thema"false legitimacy".

The problem however is that the these institutions already have legitimacy. The masses auto— matically turn to them andplace demands on themin times of pol itical upheaval. In other words, they are seen as the main political focusin society. By refusing to put forward candid-—ates who fight on an action programme to bring forward the level of mass struggle, we would be abstaining fromrelat— ing to the political life of the lieve, the only appropriate policy for the campaign and the danger tounity comes from those whe urge ageneral boycott, thus going beyond the basis of the five demands andnarrowing the base of the campaign.

The tag of opportunism needsno answer. Our 13 years of involvementin the struggle and our 5 year involvementin the defence of political statusis sufficient answer.

The real answer tothe criticisms llesin Bobby Sand!s campaignin Fermanagh/South Tyrone. It jives an Opportunity tomobilise the mass of the Irish people behind the prisoners and provides a strategy for victory. Asimilar strategy in the North!sLocal Government elections is essential. Thepolitics of theboycott donot provide this. masses.

The way Bernadette Devlinused her position as an MP in the early seventiesisacaseinpoint. Similarty her campaign for the Euro— Parliament served tounite broad forces behind the H-Block/Armagh prisoners and paved the way for the Smash H-Block/Armagh campaign.

REVOLUTIONARY TACTICS Sometimes, boycott tacticsare justified. The following acid test can be applied to them, as well astoal! other revolutionary tactics: do they strengthen the mass movement and the revol— utionary consciousness of the workingclass? Inparticular, canan 'active! boycott be mounted in whichrevolutionaries counter— pose to the bourgeoiselections a viable and more democratic alternative which will attract the masses -— whether it be behind the slogan of calling for the workers! own organs of power, soviets, street committees. Ifnone of these aims can be achieved through aboycott, itisamistaken. tactic.

A failed 'active! boycott holds no advance for the struggle of the working class andexposes the political misjudgment of those who made the call. Similarly, a Ipassive! boycott campaign which offersno alternative to the bourgeois structure, save possible abstract callsto struggle, exposes the political impotence of the groups involved and will contribute to their isolation from the masses.

(Part Two will appear in the next issue of Socialist Republic)

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