Make the British Concede! March on Dublin!

A march on Dublin to demand the the end of the Anglo Irish talks as Irish political prisoners lay dying In British prisons, has been called. This is a major chance to put the blame for the death of Bobby Sands and Francis Hughes squarely on the shoulders of Charles Haughey.

Such a call must not be wasted but built. This march must be systematically prepared for in every town and village in the 32 counties, It provides a national political focus around which the whole of the Irish people and the campaign can unite, Each major Southern urban area should organise delegations , from Cork, Limerick, Kerry, Wexford, Waterford to converge on Dublin and Leinster House, The Northern contingent will pass through Dundalk, Drogheda and these are areas which initiated massive industrial action in response to Bobby Sands death. The march can provide a focus for further more wide— spread workers! action,and stoppages to greet the march on route should be organised. All local and regional forces who support the five demands should be brought onto the streets to meet the march on its way to Dublin,

A new PD pamphlet Is In preparation. Titled "Enemy of the prisoners — Enemy of the people", It is launched to explain the context of Gerry Fitt!s attacks on the hunger strikers, Fitt!s latest political headstand Is not the only topic dealt with by the pamphiet. HIs career Is used for a study of the polltics of reformism In the context of the N. 1. statelet, In the present situation of the H Block/Armagh movement It Is crucial that actlvists have a clear understanding of what to expect from the "professional" or 'constitutional! politicians who clalm to represent the minority community In the North. The pamhlet attempts to give the necessary background for such an understanding of the Fitts and Deviins of this world, We pick on Fitt because he Is the most prominent parasite to backstab the prisoners and because his career coincides fairly well with the period of ‘stabilisation! of the N.1. state from the end of the 2nd World War to the beginning of the Troubles! up to the present.

The basic question we must ask is this: Fitt, in the mid-sixties, demanded the release of IRA prisoners because they were political — so how is it that he now condemns them on behalf of the state? From the evidence we have accumulated we can state that there are two charEXPOSES GERRY BRIT PART TWO Labour Party at Stormont. One of the first actions of this party was to demand the unconditional release of IRA prisoners. This was on the grounds that they were, in Fitt's words, political. Fitt should be forced to state the difference between these prisoners and the ones that now languish in the H Blocks and Armagh, In 1964 Fitt was elected to the British parliament in Westminster and began his hobby of attempting to woo the parliamentary labour party. This was obviously the beginning of Fitt's reliance on the most backward traditions of the British Labour Movement. Since Fitt relied on the most backward traditions of the Irish Labour Movement they obviously "complemented each other.

1967 saw the beginning of the Civil Rights Movement. Fitt saw the bandwagon, potential almost Immediately but soon found himself out of his depth. The growth of the mass movement led to challenging the whole basis of the Northern Statelet and this did not suit the reformists at all. Civil Rights demos being attacked by the police, defence committees, baricades, gunrunning were just not their scene at al!. What could they do to get the thing back on the rails and the state back Into the old familiar shape they were used to.

Fitt, Deviin and other self styled 'socialists! pushed the panic doing the work of the Imperialists, The SDLP slogan of !'Power Sharing! meant jobs for them and the pretence at re=structur— ing the six counties to give jobs to the Catholic middie class, Even this was too much for the Loyalists however, so the Sunningdale agreement collapsed just like Stormont before it. The SDLP's true nature was shown however when they broke the Rent and Rates boycott by imposing the payment for Debts act which imposed immense hardship on the catholic population, PART FOUR After the collapse of Sunningdale Fitt found less and less use for the SDLP whose whole existence came into question, Fitt also disliked having to share the limelight with John Hume and came more and more into conflict with the parties rural nationalist base. Instead of hanging around to be washed out with the rest of the SDLP Fitt decided to retire to the cosy environs of Westminster. His repeated denounciation of the prisoners, although sickening here, would be calculated to go down well in the Commons (and the Lords perhaps?)

The pamphlet concludes with a section on why the working class should keep the Fitts of this world at arms length, He is not, of course, the only one — there are appendices on Paddy Devlin and the 'Workers! Party. In the end the only strategy which will