Bottom Dog unites Limerick anti imperialists

Why are the struggles of workers in Ireland so seemingly isolated from one another? The Irish working class has, at various times in our history, shown itself extremely combatative on economic issues and on the National Question. Yet these waves of militancy are isolated from each other either sectorally or in particular periods of history. The lack of a consistent anti-imperialist leadership in the unions has much to do with this lack of continuity.

In the following article JOE HARRINGTON, editor of the Limerick workers paper BOTTOM DOG and member of PD and the Limerick Trades Council, shows how socialists in Limerick are attempting to build an anti-imperialist tendency in the workers movement in the Munster area.

The Limerick General Strike of 1919 still remains the most large-scale of the more advanced forms of struggle undertaken by Irish workers. The Limerick Soviet, as it has become known, was a response to a British imposed curfew following the death of Bobby Byrne who had undertaken a hungerstrike for political status in Limerick Jail. For two glorious weeks the workers of Limerick, organised through their Trades Council, ran the city and administered to their own needs.

On the 2nd of June, 1981, the Limerick Council of Trade Unions rejected a motion of support for the H-Block prisoners.

T his glaring contrast does not, as would first appear, reflect a massive loss of nationalist sentiment among Limerick workers nor does it correspond to a drop in their fighting snirit. A brief look at the record of workers’ struggles of the past 10 years will amply confirm this. Outside of work-related issues, the city of Limerick has seen massive mobilisations of working people — Bloody Sunday, anti-apartheid, H-Block. The biggest 26 county turn out on the day of Bobby Sands’ funeral took place in Limerick. The national rent strike was solid in Limerick and thousands marched for tax reform.

On the industrial front, workers’ struggles have been set against the decimation of home-grown (but not always home controlled) businesses and the proliferation of multinational subsidiaries. The early 70s saw many of the city’s traditional industries close throwing a couple of thousand workers on the dole queue.

The most significant resistance to these events came from the 320 Danus workers who occupied their factory in Domonic St. Initially their demands were for higher redundancy money but as an interview (in with their shop steward showed, the workers soon began to discuss other ideas. The shop steward, John Cronin told the Plough: ‘There has been talk of setting up a co-op but ... we are well aware of the problems that would arise if we were simply to go into production under the private enterprise system ... There is a way under nationalisation. If we got state assistance with the workers still in control then we could continue production ...”

The Danus occupation never achieved this high ideal but the mechanics and lessons of the struggle were not lost and later reappeared in practice during the Ferenka dispute.

FERENKA Ferenka, a subsidiary of the Dutch multi-national, Akzo, was the IDA’s pride and joy. Employing | ,400 it was one of the largest industrial concerns in the 26 Counties, Its closure was heralded as the single biggest job loss in the history of the state.

A demarcation problem was the initial reason for the dispute but it soon became apparent that the company was engaged in a determined bid to break the workers’ organisation in the plant and to subdue their militancy. What was not clear initially was that the company had no intention of remaining in Ireland if they failed in this task. The viability of the plant depended on how much they could screw workers who already had to work very unsocial.hours for below average wages.

The Ferenka case had 3 main peculiarities: (1) The decision of the workers to change union — from the I[TGWU to the MPGWU. This seems to have been decided more because of frustration with the question of service from the ITGWU than because of any proof that they would be any better looked after by the Marine Port. There were those in the Labour Movement in Limerick who excused their refusal to support the Ferenka workers on the grounds that union jumping was not the way to gain a better service. There is no doubt but that -the Ferenka workers should have remained on and fought their case within the ITGWU (as they had been doing after a fashion) but when the mass of the workers joined the Marine Port the fact should have been acceptzd.

(2) Occupation. Unlike Danus, the Ferenka occupation was, from the start, aimed at saving the jobs but equally unlike Danus only a small minority of the workers took part. To overcome this weakness Bottom Dog supporters argued for the holding of a mass meeting of all Ferenka workers to take place in the plant. This meeting did eventually take place but only on the initiative of union officials, clergy and politicians and marked the end of the occupation — and any hope for saving the jobs. (3) International solidarity. The occupying workers made determined efforts to win support from Akzo plant workers in Holland. A message from the Ferenka shop stewards was distributed to the Dutch workers through an Irish Solidarity committee there and concluded thus: ‘As workers in the same multinational we appeal for your help in forcing Akzo/Enka to keep the factory open. Any pressure you could put on the company would be much appreciated. We feel confident that national boundaries and distance will prove to be no obstacle and that the links and contacts we will forge now will be ongoing and of benefit to all Akzo workers in the future. An injury to one is an injury to all.’

A member of the Dutch Solidarity Committee later wrote to the Bottom Dog : ‘At first the Dutch union seemed to be reacting positively,But over here. They claim‘that a few hundred workers had left the Marine situation is very confused.’ The Ferenka experience, unique in to future victories of Irish workers.

in a pamphlet of the same name produced by the Bottom Dog.) Insisting on Rights Six months after Ferenka closed its project ever undertaken in Ireland — the Alcan plant near Foynes. In his opening address Mr Lynch called on workers not to ‘insist on rights’. The 4,000 workers now on the site have on rights for the H-Block/Armagh prisoners. On numerous occasions Alcan workers have stopped work or have marched in support of the H-Block/Armagh prisoners. Clearly, the contrast between the events of 1919 and the events in the 1981 does not reflect a drastic shift one remembers that the Limerick Soviet failed to reach its full potential due to the conservative nature Movement which is exactly what cost Irish workers so many victories such as at Danus and Ferenka. -An alternative tendency to this leadership of the trade union has been developing around the paper the Bottom Dog. Ina recent issue the basis on which the group around the paper has been operating was outlined: ‘The BD is published by a group of socialists (Republican Socialists in the Irish context), the majority of whom are prominent members of their unions at local level ... Nationalism ‘Socialists understand that the ism is progressive in that it pursues the national struggle as a diversion a struggle for democratic rights and freedoms can have, especially one ‘in the last analysis, can only be achieved by socialist methods. As James Connolly pointed out, the working class remains the only for Irish freedom. last week we had an ITGWU delegate Unity Port and GWU again last week ... the many ways, will yet contribute much (The full story of Ferenka is contained solidarity.

doors, Jack Lynch officially declared open,work on the biggest construction paid little heed to his plea. Not alone do they insist on their rights but they have been to the forefront in insisting anyway.

Limerick Council of Trade Unions in towards conservatism among Limerick workers. This becomes obvious when of the leadership of the Irish Labour prejudices.

nationalism of the advanced capitalist countries is reactionary while, as in the case of Ireland, the nationalism of a country dominated by imperialdemocratic tasks and rights. We oppose British economic, political and military domination of Ireland and we are for Irish unity. In the Irish situation, those like Jim Kemmy, who oppose fail to see the motivating force that possible.

Democracy for national self-determination which, incorruptable inheritors of the fight Our activity within the trade unions and other working class organisations is determined by the foregoing.

‘We stand for working class unity and we believe that any division between unions and between those inside and outside the Irish Congress of Trade Unions can only benefit the employers. “Solidarity” in Poland shows what trade union unity can achieve. We are opposed to the two-tier picket rules which break down workers’

We are for real 32 County trade union unity which is being threatened by the ICTU’s policy in relation to the 6 Counties. The Northern Ireland Sub-Committee of ICTU, in its efforts to maintain working class unity as it sees it, has refused to organise 6 County workers against the Tories’ attacks on their jobs and living standards because the majority of those affected are nationalists and to do so might alienate the Loyalists many of whom have beea led to believe that Nationalists should not have jobs Now, the re-organised Ulster Workers Council (UWC) is raising the call for an “Ulster TUC” directly linked to the British TUC. With unemployment beginning to seriously bite the Loyalist population for the first time since the ’30s. the UWC is able to attack the ICTU for ‘not doing enough to safeguard jobs in Northern Ireland.” On the question of repression the Northern Committee has been equally “non-sectarian” even going so far as to attack the victims of sectarianism and British torture for daring to defend themselves. There is no middle road on the question of injustice and, in fact, the ICTU is guilty of sectarianism when it refuses to take as its starting point (for promoting unity) the needs of the most oppressed — the nationalists. Rather it tries to maintain an artificial and ultimately doomed, unity based on Loyalist The BD also stands for international workers unity. Irish workers have far more in common with workers on the other side of the globe than they have with the boss down the road. The multi-nationals divide workers by farming out production to many points around the globe. But this disunity of a workforce can be overcome. Multi-nationals have real fears of inter-subsidiary worker link-up as it restricts their room to play workers off against one another. We believe that the Unions have the resources and should have the policy of establishing such links as early as The BD believes that the Trade Union Movement can be most effective when the will and the participation of its entire membership is brought into play. On paper most unions are pretty democratic but this does not absolve the leadership of responsibility for ensuring the broadest possibie involvement of members in union affairs, We are for the election of all union leaders who would be backed up, if necessary, by hired academics.

Independence We are for the complete independence of the Unions from the State and employer sponsored bodies. Trade unions should immediately withdraw from the Employer-Labour Conference, a body, whose main function is to police the workers. Further, the solution being put forward by various governments to the economic crisis all have one thing in common. They are all based on making the worker carry the can and, unfortunately, the present union leadership have tended to tinker with, rather than oppose, such schemes. Only the trade union movement is capable of drawing up a pro-worker economic plan and fighting for it.

Such a plan would include a 35 hour week to share work, programme of public works to build much needed houses, schools and hospitals, a sliding scale of wages and a national minimum wage to lift the low paid and unemployed out of poverty and the nationalisation, under workers’ control of any firm threatening redundancies. This plan would be financed through the nationalisation of banks and insurance companies and all the financial institutions of imperialism. We believe that any alternative economic plan, if it was to be fundamentally different to the anti-worker type would have to take into consideration the effects of the imperialist imposed partition of Ireland.

The aim of the BD is to help build a strong grouping in the Trade Union Movement which will campaign within the Movement for these policies. While we explain and argue for all aspects of our policy as the need arises, we believe workers will only come to support such a socialist strategy in the Unions as a result of engaging in concrete struggles in which our policies are seen to be effective.

We believe that the Trade Union Movement can only benefit greatly by developing a progressive attitude to Irish nationalism, by taking a fighting stance on the question of low pay and unemployment and by more actively pursuing the question of women’s equality. The forces unleashed by such a perspective would make trade unions an unstoppable power on the side of workers.

This article gives a very brief outline of BD policy. A discussion is being organised over the next couple of months among BD supporters with a view to formulating a more precise statement of our policy and also drawing up a programme of our immediate priorities.

Conclusion As can be seen in the example of the Limerick Soviet and in the examples of workers’ militancy in Limerick over the past 10 years what has always been lacking has been a fighting response from the Trade Union leaders. In all cases the conservative and undemocratic nature of the Trade Union bureaucracy has held back rather than positively led the workers. The only way we will stop this process is by building an anti-imperialist left wing in the unions.

If you want to find out what is happening in the Limerick and Munster area you should subscribe to the BOTTOM DOG Write to: The Editor, BOTTOM DOG, 109 O’Malley Park, Southill Limerick for subscription rates.

“The Labour Party has declared itself to be a Socialist Party. It is not the task of Socialists to act as a buttress for a gerry built capitalist system. Can our policies survive a Coalition? ”

As a Labour Party member, Jim Kemmy put his name to those words in 1970.

In 1981 he was elected to the Dail as an Independent Socialist for Limerick East. In one short month he has:

1. Helped to vote Garrett Fitzgerald into power and declaring: ‘That vote is given on condition that they will have a good and decent government who will respect the Irish people’.

2. Voted in an anti-working class budget which incorporates wage restraint for public sector workers, 3. Demanded that a Fine Gael Jim Kemmy waves the white flag thinking it’s red Minister be appointed to the Limerick area -- for ‘pragmatic reasons’.

4. Announced that Thatcher’s policies were ‘mistakes and pitfalls’ rather than conscious attempts to beat back workers’ wages and living standards. 5. Called for an end to the right of Irish people to unify the country and supported the barbaric British policies in H Block and Armagh.

6. Called on everyone, including banks, business men and farmers to ‘share the burden and contribute to getting the economy back on the rails’.

The question is, do working people want any share of a ‘burden’ they had no hand in creating. And a supplementary question is, is Jim Kemmy a Fine Gael ‘sleeper’ or even a Margaret Thatcher ‘sleeper’?! The statement reproduced here was issued by Peoples’ Democracy to coincide with a public meeting held in Kemmy TD. The attendance of about 100/120 was very pro-imperialist, Party and Conor Cruise O’Brien’s handpicked Dublin Correspondent for the British Observer, Dermot Mac Evoy.

speakers took up 80 minutes there were questions, which took up little time, and replies, which took up a lot.

minutes left. Then there was a summary from the speakers!

ed to them to nail the lies of SAN.

socialists to strike out in a new direction. John Meehan from PD asked what was ‘new’ about Kemmy’s brand of socialism. Kemmy had made his very clear, going so far as to say that Long Kesh ‘one of the most humane and liberal prisons in Europe’. He had not been so eloquent about his agreement with Thatcher-style economic policies, which he showed by voting tor the recent Fine Gael budget. This indulged in by the Labour Party for years.

Kemmy’s reply was to protest against nique. Just because Thatcher said one else had to say it was bad! He try and bring up pro-Fine Gael voting record in the budget but thought this ers’ interests’. He was trapped by another questioner who highlighted Kemmy’s view that there was a war Dublin by ‘Socialists Against Nationalism’ (SAN). The main speaker was Jim including Brendan Halligan, the recently retired General Secretary of the Labour The way the meeting was run left little scope for debate. After the 3 platform When ‘contributions’ were allowed from the floor, there was only about twenty Anti-imperialists in the audience effectively used the small opportunity allowKemmy’s theme was the need for Irish agreement with Thatcher on the North cratic. was exactly the same sort of hypocrisy the use of a ‘guilt by association’ techsomething was good didn’t mean everysaid he ‘suspected’ that someone would was consistent with ‘defending workAs Jim Kemmy TD for Limerick East speaks tonight, Wednesday July 29 in Dublin, attacking the fight for Irish Unity and British Withdrawal in this country, Kieran Doherty TD for Cavan-Monaghan lies dying in the H-Blocks of Long Kesh prison. Kemmy claims he is against Nationalism. In fact he and the organization sponsoring this meeting are against Irish nationalism.

As far as Kemmy and co. are concerned a nod is as good as a wink for the British nationalism of Thatcher and Paisley.

This is supposed to be a new road for Irish socialism. It’s nothing of the kind. It follows in the long tradition of reformist social democratic politics in Ireland. The Labour Party, an electoral and governmental appendage of the most pro-imperialist of the 2 major capitalist parties in the South of Ireland, Fine Gael, has by and large trod this path for 60 years and failed dismally for 60 years, especially among urban workers. The practice of the Labour Party is just as anti-Irish nationalist as Kemmy’s; this new TD (Thatcher’s Deputy) for Limerick East simply brings this practice into line with theory. It is important to see this clearly. Otherwise socialists won’t see clearly why Thatcher’s Deputy on the national question also supports savage attacks on workers’ living standards, as Kemmy did recently by voting for the Bruton Fine Gael budget. So much for the ‘radical ginger group’

Kemmy talked of forming after the General Election! When it comes down to it, like all other opportunist politicians, Kemmy is more interested in holding on to his seat than defending workers’ interests.

For its part Peoples’ Democracy stands in the revolutionary tradition of James Connolly. The First World War split the workers’ movement in two: revolutionary socialists whose aim was the overthrow of the capitalist state and the building of a workers’ state, and reformists who believed that reforms of capitalism would satisfy the interests of workers. In Ireland revolutionary socialists face the task of overthrowing not one but two states. Both are pathetic failures at all levels: social, economic, and demoTo solve these problems means confronting imperialism, which is backed up by British military and economic might. To shy away from this means being a stooge for the likes of Fine Gael. Jim Kemmy’s actions in the past few weeks speak a lot louder than his ‘socialist’ words.

ISSUED BY: PEOPLES’ DEMOCRACY‘ 38 CLANAWLEY ROAD, KILLESTER, DUBLIN 5.

in the North. If there was a war, weren’t there armies? Yes, said Kemmy. Then, couldn’t he see there were prisoners of war? No answer from Jim but howls of anti-Provo outrage at the humiliation of their hero from a section of the crowd.

The ultimate absurdity of SAN was brought out by Dermot MacEvoy, who ‘as an old Southern loyalist’ bemoaned President Hillery’s retusai to attend the wedding of Prince Charles of England. The anti-imperialists present were well able to see the humour of SOCIALIST REPUBLIC Page a heckler who commented ‘Socialists for Monarchy’.

Socialists who go wrong on the national question cannot avoid selling out every other struggle and becoming a pink face for Fine Gael. Such spinelessness is typical of people who bow down in front of the imperialist enemy waving the white flag and thinking it’s red. Anti-imperialist socialists should keep up the pressure against Kemmy and his ilk in order to ensure he gets the same treatment as Paddy Devlin and Gerry Fitt.

----- pull-quotes -----

lreland’s Kemmy Britain’s Jemmy