British Youth Rebel Against Racism and Unemployment

hundred fans arrived in special coaches.

Racism is quite widespread among skinheads and many of the fans exhibited fascist symbols and began assaulting Asian shop keepers and passers by.

The police made no attempt to prevent these attacks but they brought in heavy reinforcements to protect the skinheads when hundreds of Asian youth poured onto the streets in defence of their community. The confrontation which followed lasted till the early hours of the morning and demonstrated very clearly the determination of the Asians not to be cowed.

The next day in Toxteth area of Liverpool police arrested a black youth for stealing a motorbike. In fact he owned the bike. Youths standing by intervened to prevent his arrest and within minutes the area was swamped with cops. Fighting between police and youths lasted a couple of hours. Next day the cops arrived in full riot gear to put on a show of strength. Hundreds of white and black youth fought together to drive them out of the area. By the end of the week their example was being followed by youth across England.

Rioting & Racism Its 60 years ago since Britain last experienced a major outbreak of rioting. Interestingly enough it was Liverpool that erupted then also.

Liverpool had in the early part of this century a very large Irish population. Prior to the First World War one Liverpool ward used to regularly return an Irish Home Rule MP. The Irish war of independence and the post world war economic crisis combined to radicalise the Irish workers in the Merseyside. This radicalisation in turn influenced other sections of the working class, and by 1920 Liverpool was, next to the Clydeside, the most explosive area in Britain. A localised general strike —- even the police came out- led to large scale rioting and was only ppc by the military occupation of the city.

Many of the same elements which existed in the early 20s are present again today. The capitalist economic system is undergoing a deep economic crisis, and the Irish war of independence still rages. The descendants of the early Irish immigrants in the Merseyside are now however almost totally assimilated, and it is the blacks who form the most combative layer of the working class.

New Black Movement Young blacks have long been cynical about the British political system. Now they are carrying the added burden of the recession. Unemployment among black youth has increased at three times the rate amongst white youth. It is estimated that 60 ver cent of black youth in the Liverpool area are jobless. The policies of the Tory government have not only heightened their rebelliousness, it has also led to the politicisation of large numbers of young blacks. Many have been influenced by the downfall of the left wing Manley government in Jamaica following a CIA inspirea campaign of economic sabotage and terrorism. Militant blacks are conscious that social oppression is generalised in this society and that the ruling order uses racism to give poor whites the illusion that they have something to gain from the present set up. They are deter-mined to confront the system which oppresses them and they are not prepared to sit back and wait for white workers to take the initiative. On the contrary they believe that by openly assaulting the oppressive forces in Britain they can act as a catalyst to draw bros ' forces into struggle. The events of last month have confirmed this perspective.

Irish Connection The anti-imperialist struggle in Ireland has had a big influence on the black youth of Britain. They view Ireland as a-victim of colonial oppression just like Africa, India and the Caribbean. They have seen that the British army despite its might has proved incapable of defeating the nationalist population. On TV they can watch the youth of Derry and West Belfast challenge armed soldiers and policemen. They've been impressed. Some black militants Suggest that the bombing campaign in Britain was a big mistake for the Republican movement, because it put at risk many innocent civilians, including black and Irish immigrants. Most black militants, especially Caribbeans are contemptuous of the Labour Party leadership and they treat Tony Benn and the labour left with caution. Their attitude to the extra parliamentary left is more complex than is often supposed. They The placid tranquility of British society has recently been ruptured by the appearance of black and white youth battling with British police. Scenes familiar to the streets of Belfast and Derry were reenacted in Liverpool and London. What lies behind this new combativity among British youth? Here MAURICE COAKLEY, in the first of a 3 part series on the British state, gives some of the answers.

hope that the organisations of the revolutionary left will ally with them approached as a serious autonomous movement, and they resent the left treating them as a recruiting ground.

As of yet the new black movement despite the apocalyptic hysteria of the British gutter press with its horror floor, in struggle. But they insist upon being appears to have little formal structure. stress the power of spontaneity.

[ he appearance of black and white youth fighting side by side against the police has severely shaken the ruling class and has placed in jeopardy the Tory party’s political strategy and the premiership of Margaret Thatcher.

Thatcher’s policy starts from a determination to reverse the decline of the British economy. The Tories believe that this can only be achieved by reducing the living standards of the working masses and increased investment returns on capital. To accomplish this goal the organisations of the working class must be broken up.

Thatcher’s strategy is two pronged.

Unemployment has been allowed to rise so that employers have a huge pool of labour to choose from. This has created pressure to accept lower wages and has increased fear of getting sacked or being made redundant. As a consequence the emplovers have, in many cases, been able to erode the power of trade unions «»n the shop ment.

‘Michael Foot and the Labour Party leaders appreciate that there’s a time and a place for CS gas and plastic bullets.’

The Tories realise that in any society where mass unemployment exists, there is going to be a lot of social unrest. Their solution to this problem is to divide the working class internationally through racism, sexism and national chauvinism. Married women workers are being blamed for keeping men out of jobs. The capitalist gutter press reeks of a thinly veiled racism, when a crass campaign of hatred is whipped up against republicans and Irish people. Fascist organisations like the National Front and the British Movement are given protection by the police, and march through immigrant areas, while anyone protesting against these marches gets bludgeoned off the streets. Predictably enough, fascist attacks on blacks, Asians and on left wing bookshops or mecting places are treated with a peculiar tolerance. Recently an Irish woman worker who works in the International Marxist Group’s bookshop suffered a fractured skull at the hands of fascist thugs.

Last month’s riots have shattered this project. Instead of lining up with the police and the fascists thousands of white working class youth came out fighting shoulder to shoulder with the blacks. The ruling class has made a big mistake in assuming that racism is universal among white working class PRISONERS OF PARTITION explains the background to the H Block/Armagh campaign. It is an analysis of why Peoples Democracy has been arguing that defence of the prisoners has been the most urgent task of the anti-imperialist movement for the past five years.

It costs 50p + (15p&p) and can be obtained from sellers of Socialist Republic or by writing to PD, Connolly Bookshop, Avoca Park, Andersonstown, Belfast 11.

ideas and a mood of rebellion. The punk rock phenomenon and the response to Rock Against Racism both illustrated this. Even many skinheads were drawn into rioting alongside blacks. Their hatred of the police and the people behind them proved greater than the influence of racist ideas. Now that the British ruling class faces the haunting prospect that instead of being isolated scapegoats the blacks might become an inspiration to the rest of the working class; the vanguard.

Margaret Thatcher tells us that she can’t understand how unemployment might lead to rioting. A lot of the unemployed never riot at all. She suspects that greed is the motivator of ‘nost rioters and is confident that by building up a battery of water cannons, CS gas, armoured cars and plastic bullets, civilised values can be maintained. Michael Foot and the Labour Party leaders appreciate that there's a time and a place for CS gas and plastic bullets. But they'd like also to see something done to reduce unemployThe Response of the Left For the left, the youth revolt and the new black movement have been, and will continue to be, an important test. Tony Benn and most of the labour left have treaded carefully, unwilling to outrightly support or condemn the rioters. The revolutionary left organisations -- the main ones being the Socialist Workers Party and the International Marxist Group (British section of the Fourth International) — have openly declared their support for the rebellious youth. The revolutionary left organisations which are predominantly white in composition have been active for a number of years combatting racism in the white working class and in mobilising against the fascists. They have tended to view the black community as one which must be defended rather than as one which may take the lead in battling the government. The revolutionary left has a major responsibility to build solidarity for the youth rebellion and the new black movement within the labour movement and to mobilise their support. Their organisational disunity hinders them in this. However there are signs that revolutionaries in Britain as in Ireland, are beginning to learn the importance of working together.

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Prisoners of Partition