Fancy That!

Supporters of the campaign should volunteer for canvassing, leafletting and envelope writing during their spare time. In Dublin ring 744924 or 338542 if you are able to help. In Limerick contact Joe Harrington at 109 ‘O’Malley Park, Southill, Limerick. If you want to donate money, send it to:

Peoples Democracy Election Fund Bank of Ireland Ormond Quay Dublin 1 Account No. 49147310 Socialist Republic doesn’t often agree with Dessie O’Malley. But even capitalist politicians occasionally tell the truth. In an interview with the voted “for every single item he was asked to including things one would not expect a socialist to vote for.” People who voted for Kemmy, continued O’Malley, on the basis that he was a socialist, “must be very annoyed at the U-turn he has made.” Limerick Leader, O’Malley said KemmyDUFF No1 imperialist forces in this election is vital,” they concluded.

PAGE 2 SOCIALIST REPUBLIC was doomed to failure.

The Lemass era was to change all this and in doing so would transform ‘backward Ireland, formerly renowned as a source of cheap food supply to Britain, into a modern West European industrial nation. The backbone of this policy was not as one might suspect the building of a heavy industrial base, which would cater for the development of an indigenous Irish industry such as food processing, which could sink deep roots into the emerging Irish economy. (Even today, Ireland, with agriculture still the biggest industry, imports practically all its agricultural machinery). On the contrary, the policy which Lemass embarked upon was one of offering Ireland as a venue of cheap labour supply, with heavily subsidised manufacturing costs, to foreign industry which was mainly engaged inthe production of light consumer goods.

Combined with this, came the 1967 | Free Trade Agreement with Britain which ted to the demise of the shoe, clothing and food industry. In the early seventies, the Limerick area alone saw the closure of such traditional firms as Danus Clothing Company, the Limerick Shoe factory, the Limerick Clothing Factory and Clover Meats.

SHANNON — THE NEW TOWN It was against this background that Shannon, the first new town in the 26 Counties in over 30 years, was to emerge. In the late fifties, the industrial estate was built and the rentfree factories were soon occupied by British, Continental, American and Japanese multinationals. The original workforce came from Clare, Limerick and Tipperary — many workers rising as early as six in the morning to bus to Shannon and return home at six in the evening. For many, this representedan improvement in working conditions, having previously worked as agricultural labourers, often for longer hours, for six days a week and lower wages.

Likewise workers coming from Limerick found that the Industrial ‘In the early fifties, the Lemass government decided on a policy of industrialising Ireland through attracting foreign investment. Prior to this, the Irish economy was almost totally dependent on farming. DeValera had attempted, in the late thirties, to build some kind of industrial base. This consisted largely of protective trade tariffs and gained the popular term “economic war” (with Britain). However, this policy only succeeded in protecting the clothing, shoe and leather industries as well as those industries which were dependent on agriculture. In an economy which was still dominated by the interests of capital especially British, and in a country divided and weakened by partition, this policy In the late sixties however, cracks began to appear in this plan. It was now ten years since the estate was set up and since some of the tax free concessions were limited to this period of time, a few of the early industries on the estate began to pack their bags.

In the early seventies there were two important developments in the history of Shannon. The first was the reaction of Britain and loyalism to the demands of the anti-unionists in the Six Counties for civil rights. In 1969. vicious pogroms drove thousands of Catholics from their homes and across the border to seek refuge. Hundreds of these families eventually came to Shannon in order to start a new life. Today, they make up a sizeable section of the community there. Even in the most modern community then, the effect of Ireland’s oldest problem, British domination, is immediately felt!

RECESSION COMES TO INDUSTRIAL ESTATE The second development was to have a deep effect on Shannon from which it has never fully recovered. This was the recession of 1973-75. During these years, firm after firm on the estate either cut back on employment or closed down altogether. What were once household names were soon to become memories — Rippon, Callins, Lana-Knit, Butte—Knit, IP| and Progress closed their doors for the last time! The bigger employers on the estate such as E] andS PS, two American companies that had bitterly resisted unionisation claiming that their companies would ‘‘take care” of their own workers, made large numbers redundant. Lemass’ strategy, which had given new hope of secure employment to thousands, was running into big difficulties when faced with its first real test. It is, of course, true to say that some of the closed industries have been replaced, but on the same basis and by similar types of industries which are in no way linked into the Irish economy. ‘unique from the point of view of the high concentration of multinational industry in one small area is but a microcosm of the whole of Irish society. The type of company which is attracted to Ireland is such that in any period of recession the company contracts, the first part of the multinational to go is the one furthest from the parent plant. While the late sixties and early seventies saw the decline of the traditional industries, the late renowned for the coming and going of countless multinationals. Ferenka in the South and British Enkalon in the North, two children of the giant Akzo group, bear cruel testimony to this.

A STRATEGY OF FAILURE This is the kind of shaky foundation Years after the War of Independence Despite the obvious effects of such a claiming to be socialist, as the only way to industrialise Ireland. These socialists, such as Jim Kemmy and Sinn Fein —The Workers Party, in advocating such a policy see the continuation of partition playing an This is why Peoples Democracy (PD) views the election in Shannon as something more than just a local elecers. The future and welfare of the people of Shannon is tied up with the future and-welfare of the whole of Ireland. Shannon, for the first time in its existence is undergoing continuous periods of struggle for survival. Unlike most other towns, Shannon is built around the Airport and its industrial estate. Should either, or both, seriously decline there would be nothing left to hold the community there. This is why even local issues, in the context of ment, the defence of workers living standards, with special emphasis on the rights of women and youth, the It is clear then that Shannon, although in this election.

THE VITAL ISSUES seventies and early eighties are becoming that Irish industry is based on, 60-odd policy it is still being advanced by some integral part in the !reland of the future.

tion to elect a few Town Commission- their own area.

In 1969 vicious pogroms drove thousands of Catholics from their homes and accross the border to seek refuge. Hundreds of these families eventually came to Shannon in order to start a new life.

Even in Ireland’s most modern community the effect of British domination is immediately felt!

Shannon, take on a national character.

For us then, the protection of employThe future and welfare of Shannon is tied up with the future and welfare of the whole of Ireland. Local issues, in the context of Shannon, take on a national charector.

provision of amenities which would reflect some confidence in the future of Shannon, are all important issues While we reject the strategy of industrialising Ireland from the leftovers of the multinationals, we think it vital that all redundancies and threatened closures should be vigorously fought as each job loss threatens the well-being of those involved. The nature of the industry being attracted to Ireland is such that it tends towards very high levels of exploitation. This is especially felt amongst women and young workers. The need for trade unions in Shannon to take up this particular question is clear when one considers the above average percentage of young people living in the town — as well as the large number of jobs which are specifically orientated towards women even in these days of the Equality Employment Act.

Also, in regard to women, the lack of family planning facilities in Shannon is areflection of the national situation. With the passing of Haughey’s Family Planning Act, the right of people to contraception is now in the hands of doctors and chemists. In the context of Shannon, this means that the objection on ‘‘grounds of conscience” of a half dozen or so people could deny thousands of peopie the right to any form of family planning service in owe “.. THE LOWEST BLACKLEGS ...”

We see the industrial estate as surviving in the long term, only if there is a movement away from “fly-by-night” firms. Consequently, we do not see this happening in isolation from a national strategy of industrialisation.

£400 NEEDED Ireland, in order to industrialise, has to free itself from the constraints of economic domination by foreign capital. This domination, in turn, cannot be thrown off without political freedom. This is how we see partition as being relevant to the Shannon Town elections. Since its imposition, partition has divided and weakened the country in both political and economic terms. Successive 26 County governments have been unable to build an economic base from which secure and well-founded industries could emerge. Instead, they have attempted to industrialise the country by offering the income from high taxation on workers to multinationals, as concessions to provide the means of employment for those same workers, who are then warned that export competitiveness is endangered by their demands for wage increases which’ will only mark time with inflation. This policy is, as Connolly prophesied, a policy of industrialisation by making workers in Ireland “the lowest blacklegs in Europe”’.

Without political independence from British imperialism and economic independence from the interests of capital, Irish workers are doomed to such a future.

SHANNON TOWN ELECTIONS The election in Shannon offers to all those. who are-oppesed to government policy a unique opportunity to build a real opposition. Fianna Fail policies on all the main issues differ in no real way from that of the Coalition. Shannon is the first electoral opportunity around which anti-imperialists can unite since the last general election. Although there are real differences there are also areas of common agreement.

PD is putting forward its own candidate in this election on the basis of our own programme, elements of which we have outlined above. However we are looking for maximum co-operation with the other anti-imperialist organisations in the Shannon area, Sinn Fein and the Irish Republican Socialist Party. If we can get the idea across in this election of the need for a slate of socialist republican candidates then we'll have made a lot of headway in building a united anti-imperialist opposition which is: necessary to force real change throughout Irish society.