H:Block Movement Assesses the Way Forward

initial swoops. PD members who escaped the army raids published the first copy of the newly-named ‘Unfree Citizen’ which was the first paper to appear in the ghettoes after internment. PD also played a major role in the Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association (NICRA). However, when the Communist Party and the Official Republicans (now SFWP) used their dominance of NICRA to oppose mass mobilisations, PD helped to set up the Northern Resistance Movement and later the Political Hostages Release Committee. The need for unity among the major anti-imperialist forces has always been a key note of PD activity. In 1974 PD members Michael Farrell and Tony Canavan embarked on a hunger strike in Crumlin Road Prison to secure political status for short term political prisoners . Mass mobilisations of the catholic community forced the Brits to concede after 42 days. Throughout all this period PD was developing its understanding of Irish socialism and the kind of organisation needed to achieve it.

PD had discussions with other forces on the left in Ireland, trying to develop a broad socialist and anti-imperialist force which could confront the Free State collaborators as well as the easily seen effects of British imperialism of the streets of the North. 1972 to 1976 was a period of retreat and partial demoralisation for antinakedness of its repression but in fact that it has to resurrect the quesONE OF the major outcomes of the tion of national unity in order to recent H Block/Armagh conference consolidate Partition. was to continue informal discussion NATIONAL UNITY THE about future strategy for the antiCENTRAL ISSUE imperialist movement. The end of While it is true that a general fight the hunger strikes has left a vacuum against repression would provide a which no one organisation has been minimum basis for uniting antiable to fill. It is now clear that united imperialists it would not confront front activity continues to be of vital the central element of Britain’s new importance for all socialists and approach. For this reason it would republicans. also be unlikely to gain a mass audience. The relevance of a purely The discussion at the conference indianti-repression campaign would cated there is no common agreement surely be lost on the huge number on the issues around which a united of people who are watching the campaign could be built or on the Anglo-lrish talks and FitzGerald’s organisational form which such a ‘Crusade’ and who perhaps have campaign would take. What has beillusions in these gambits. It is procome clear however, is the main bable that the majority of people topics which have to be thrashed out.

would see a repression campaign by Concerning the issues around which a itself as an introverted concern of new campaign should be built two the anti-imperialist movement arising distinct positions emerged. Sinn Fein out of its own weaknesses and argued that the evolution of the H mistakes.

Block/Armagh campaign should be Against Sinn Fein’s emphasis on limited to a general defence against repression, Peoples Democracy argued repression North and South. As the question of national unity and against this Peoples Democracy argued partition should be put to the fore of that this was not enough for the coming the anti-imperialist programme. period. There were two reasons for this.

Our positions on these are a direct REPRESSION AND BRITISH reply to the manoeuvres contained STRATEGY in the Anglo-Irish talks. They have the best possibility of confronting The first reason concerns the nature of the nub of Britain’s current strategy imperialist repression at the present and of winning a mass audience. time. The success of the hunger-strike protest was due to the fact that it The second reason why Peoples challenged Britain’s strategy right at Democracy opposed restricting the heart of its “‘Criminalisation” the development of the H Block/ policy. The protest revealed in black Armagh campaign to repression and white that Britain’s presence in issues has to do with another imporIreland is based on a brutal denial of tant change in the political situation democratic rights. As such the hunger since the hunger-strike. That change strike was able to fire national senti- is of course the effect of the deepenment and mobilise mass support. ing economic crisis. When evaluating the success of the THE IMPACT OF THE ECONOMIC H Block/Armagh campaign it is CRISIS important to remember that, precisely because of that success, the The economic crisis has assumed a overall political situation has changed much sharper form in Ireland than since then. Gaping holes were torn in in European countries because Britain’s ‘Criminalisation’ policy. of neo-colonial domination by Britain Britain and native collaborators now and international imperialism. Socialists have to cloak their repression with a and republicans have an obvious duty pretence of interest in Irish national to intervene in this crisis to ensure unity. The weak flanks of Britain’s that it is resolved at the expense of Maura McRory who topped the poll on re-election to the H Block/Armagh Committee Britain and local and international historic opportunity which will be allies and not at the expense of the missed if the lessons of history are Irish people. But does it follow that not learned. The major lesson of the the economic crisis should form part 1920s as Liam Mellows pointed out of a programme for uniting anti- was the disregard for the interest of imperialists at this point in time? workers and their consequent apathy towards the republican cause. That Peoples Democracy gives an affirmative mistake was partly corrected during answer to this question. The severity the hunger-strike when a specific of economic and social distress will appeal was made to workers. tend to depoliticise rather than radicalise people. If this happens then it will Any new united front which wants be extremely difficult for the anti- to build on the gains of the H Block/ imperialist movement to mobilise Armagh campaign must take this support for the demands of national initial approach to workers to its unity and indepdendence. A united logical conclusion. This will require response by the anti-imperialist move- integrating the demands of workers ment to the economic crisis which with other anti-imperialist demands. can make maximum impact in the shortest possible time is essential THE IMPORTANCE OF ELECTIONS So far we have argued that since the HISTORIC OPPORTUNITY ending of the hunger-strike the On the more positive side the econo- political situation has changed in two mic crisis needs to be put in historical important respects, ie with regard to perspective. Not since the War of Britain’s strategy and with regard to Independence has such a deep going the economic crisis. The combination crisis of British rule in Ireland of these two changes has produced a combined with such an intractable further change which will affect the economic crisis. In other words, for development of any new anti-imperialthe first time since Partition the con- ist unity We are referring here to the ditions which enabled a thorough ir.stability of government in the South. mass revolt against British rule in the This development has brought electoral early 1920s are re-emerging. It is a activity te the fore as an important implication of the DUP leader, lan argued at the H Block/Armagh con- as the major unionist party with a Paisley, in the allegations of a coverference that a new united front would slightly larger share of the overall vote have to put the aim of creating an up. than the Official Unionists. anti-imperialist electoral front at the \t is ironic that a man who has spent One point should be made however. centre of its perspective. his entire career in whipping up hatred The various paisleyite campaigns, As distinct from other organisations against catholics and, not satisfied while they have attracted support and individuals in the H Block/Armagh fundamentalist loyalism against gays with that, was attempting to mobilise to the DUP, have failed in their campaign we lay particular emphasis object. Stormont has not been reon this suggestion. We feel that because in his “Save Ulster from Sodomy” stored. Cross-border contacts have not of the depth of the combined political, campaign, should now himself come been ended, “Ulster” has not been economic and social crisis a growing under threat from his even more rendered ungovernable and the mass number of people are looking for fundamentalist followers. of protestants have not joined in an strategic alternatives rather than piece- However the temporary embarrass- armed insurrection. meal solutions to their problems. The ment that Paisley faces over this Recent history in the north since 1974 question of who forms the government issue masks a turning point in the shows that while unionism may be is uppermost in their minds. At the fortunes of the DUP and a questionable to veto imperialism’s plans it is not same time they are increasingly alienated mark over the future development of able to advance and force the adoption from the major parties which is why loyalism. Ulster unionism has always of its own programme. In fact even there is government instability. The had a substantial loyalist rump. As this veto may be wearing thin as the beneficiaries of this situation so far an armed force it provided the back- British find a receptive audience in the have been mainly the pro-imperialist bone for the frequent anti-catholic Irish nationalist bourgeoisie for a releft. pogroms, As a political force it structuring of partition. organised the petty-bourgeoisie and If the anti-imperialist movement is d lumpen proletariat. The less radical tone of official serious about winning a mass audience unionism reflects a more realistic for its ideas it must be able to present In the disintegration of the unionist assessment of their dependence on itself as a serious governmental altermonolith that began with the Britain. Their most recent conference native. Moreover it is not just a present troubles, Paisley made sure led to a partial split when they question of winning an audience for that he held this section, and that dumped the call for a return to Storideas but of actually promoting after the fall of the power-sharing mont. This realism has not reached practical resistance to exploitation assembly that he was its sole and un- the mass of unionist voters and this and repression. In the present situation disputed leader. partially accounts for the growth of this practical resistance has declined the DUP, but in fact they have no In many cases there is an instinctive Paisley had nothing to do with the alternative programme. On the ‘Carson feeling that individual issues cannot organising of the 1974 loyalist Trail” Paisley threatened armed conflict be won while all the major parties stoppage, but he wasn’t slow to step with the British forces. This was in Leinster House are committed to into the leadership and he attempted hardly meant seriously — the threat repression and austerity. The promise to repeat the exercise and force the has been used frequently to pressure therefore that there will be a major return of Stormont in 1977. He the British, but the important fact is political alternative in Leinster House wasn’t successful, but in the local that issuing the threat led to bitter will be an important factor in orga- government elections of that year he disagreements with other sectors of nising a fight back at grass-roots level. got over 30% of the unionist vote and loyalist opinion. Without a credible the DUP became the second largest The electoral united front which threat Paisley finds himself without unionist party.

Peoples Democracy advocates there- any real lever to pressure the British. fore will not be electoralist in the The DUP kept up the pressure: the He has plenty of votes— but in reality usual sense. We see such a front as “Save Ulster from Sodomy” campaign the majority of unionists are con/tused the spear-head of a campaign to disruption of cross-border meetings and demoralised and unwilling to take encourage resistance at all levels of and attacks on Dublin councillors, to the streets. society. a campaign against religious ecumenism, This doesn’t meam/that the DUP don’t In the coming months these are some the Carson Trail, and most recently represent a. danger. They are a powerthe ‘Day of Action’, the disruption of the ideas that we will be putting ful fearce of the most bigoted and of Council meetings and the attempt to other anti-imperialist organisations counter—revolutionary elements in to unseat the RUC chief. and individuals. In the next issue of the North. Pressure from.them acts to Socialist Republic we will discuss The policy of activism paid off. %he bring more and more British and RUC some more questions such as the DUP traditionally a party of “ne rural repression in the ghettoes. They are nature of an anti-imperialist economic poor and lower middle class, made able to hold armed demonstrations programme and democracy within a inroads into the protestarit working and organise openly while the RUC united front. class with the election @f McQuaid and UDR fraternise with them.

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