Trade Unions Oppose Labour Policies
Socialist Republic1982Trade unions and workers' strugglesLabour, the left and left unityThe Southern state and its partiesPartition and the national questionThe Fourth InternationalBridget MurphyTrade unions and workers' strugglesLabour, the left and left unityThe Southern state and its partiesPartition and the national questionThe Fourth International
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THE PEOPLES DEMOCRACY bases itself on the following points:
We agree that the central political question for the Irish people is the political, economic and military domination of Ireland by imperialism and that the central task for the Irish revolution is the solution of the national question through the ending of Partition and achievement of political and economic independdence.
We are united in our rejection of the claim that any lasting solution to the oppression of the Irish people can be found within a 6 county framework, and in our rejection of any ‘right’ of the Loyalist minority to continue Partition.
As Marxists we believe that the capitalist state must be smashed and replaced by a workers’ state and Charlie Haughey has made it back as Taoiseach. But with some difficulties, not least from within his own party. But are all the shananigans of any real relevance to Irish revolutionaries, or is it a matter of total indifference for us.? %i SOCIALIST REPUBLIC that only the organised working class can provide the motive force for doing this.
We believe that a crucial area of capitalist oppression is women, and this is especially so in Ireland, given the history of clerical power here. Women are oppressed as a sex and even a successful revolution will not automatically guarantee the elimination of this oppression. For this reason, we unconditionally support the right of women to organise independently to fight for their emancipation.
As Marxists, we believe that the working class has the ability to successfully challenge and defeat imperialism. It produces the wealth of society without being able to control or distribute it. It is potentially stronger than any other class because of its ability to organise on a mass base, combining its economic with large new state building programmes. However, his instability as a guarantor of ruling class interests is pointed up by his package with Tony Gregory and his rhetorical remarks about British withdrawal which caused Prior to object. The agreement with Tony Gregory must be seen as foolhardy by bourgeois strength and its strength of numbers. We accept that workers have the right to defend themselves against imperialism. However, we do not accept the ideology of militarism— the belief that armed groups can substitute themselves for the We believe in the building of an organised and experienced leadership, in a Marxist Party based on the Leninist theory of party organisationd the central feature of which is democratic centralism.
Peoples Democracy is an internationnational struggle is an integral part of For that reason PD is the Irish Section Party of Socialist Revolution founded by Leon Trotsky in 1938.
Frasses andiwintreedout ton chen: The Labour group of trade unions who alist organisation. We believe that each a world struggle for socialist liberation.
of the Fourth International, the World es Back strained between the leadership of the Labour Party and the Labour Party group of trade unions (the trade unions that are affiliated to the Labour Party and who make a financial contribution to Labour Party funds through a political levy on their membership.)
voted against coalition at the special conference of the Labour party in the Gaiety Theatre wrote to Michael O'Leary soon after his becoming Tanaiste expressing concern at his lack of communication with the trade union group. No reply or acknowledgement came from O’Leary’s office. Further letters from the trade union group to O’Leary concerning the non-implementation of Labour Party policies and a threat on the recommendation of funds to the Labour Party followed. Still no reply from O’Leary. A final letter was sent to O’Leary before the Coalition fell, saying that the trade union group intended to pursue its grievances with the party leadership through the branches and other bodies of the party. They are still awaiting a reply. A resolution to the November meeting of the Dublin Trades Council requesting they back a demand that the Labour Party resign from the Coalition government was sent by the EEPTU in reaction to the anti-working class mini-budget passed by the coalition. The resolution never got past the executive committee of the Trades Council who ruled it unconstitutional.
The majority of delegates on the executive who voted against the resolution going to the general body of the Trades Council were supporters of Michael O*Leary: the man who follows in FitzGerald's footsteps. the Labour Party and SFWP. The most vehement arguments against allowing the resolution through were put by Fergus Whelan (SFWP) recently appointed to a full-time position in the ITGWU and Sam Nolan (Labour Party) and UCATT who argued that the Trades Council could not comment on the actions of bodies unaffiliated to the Trades Council.
When the delegates pointed out that the constitution had not prevented the Trades Council from condemning the taxation and economic policies of previous Fianna Fail governments they cut no ice with the majority and the resolution fell.
However at the next full meeting of the Trades Council when delegates heard of the resolution an uproar broke out which dominated the whole meeting, and indicated that had the delegates been given a chance they would have supported the resolution.