Can Come

The one thing that can be clearly said about Garret ‘Fitzgerald's proposed council for a new Ireland, is that it is a con-trick, It established a talking shop of pro-imperialist politicians who seriously suggest that they will co-operate to bring about a united Ireland and who all have a history of working to prevent it. Fitzgerald's first act was to exclude from the discussion icalisation in the North. This the republican forces who is indeed a major element bu have borne the bruntofthe it is also an attempt to save struggle to end partition and themselves. For 14 years all his second was to plead with the most reactionary unionist elements in the North to participate in the council. The most glaring give-away of all is the fact that the Southern government does have it in its power to take a step towards a new Ireland - by consistently opposing the Northern Assembly. Instead their policy is one of verbal opposition and practical collaboration.

SAVING THE SDLP OR THEMSELVES?

The Goverftment policy is widely interpreted as an attempt to save the SDLP from the growing Republican radthe major nationalist parties have tried to pressure the British to treat them as equa partners and to reform the North. The hunger strike, followed by the establishment of the Assembly in the teeth of nationalist opposition gave the kiss of death to this pola New Ireland’ is simply the —_ indication that they would agree on method. Haughey and Hume want more republican rhetoric while Garret Fitzgerald wants more t collaboration.

There is however, one | positive aspect of the council which anti-imperialists should not ignore. This is that the whole process is the result of the continued polarisation and radicalisation of the work ing class and the pressure this exerts on the capitalist parties.

To’see this all we have to do is contrast Fine Gael policy before the election with policy and has fueled the decline ‘shoot to kill’ calls demonstof the SDLP. The ‘Council for rates this. However, there is no same policy writ large. What have won this if British policy they have failed to achieve had been against it, and there separately they hope to is no.sign at all that the British win together. They have are willing to give real powers really no hope of success, to the Unionists and make the especially when they can’t return of Stormont a reality.

The Assembly poses a threat on three levels: 1. As long as it exists it will contain the threat of the restoration of the old MASS PRESSURE Stormont Loyalist Assembly.

AnN itis still possible for it to win substantial support.

The British have a policy of steering economic ‘good news’ through the Assembly and in the absence of a militant fightback the trades union leadership will attempt to demobilise struggles by pointing them towards lobby exercises around the ANTI-IMPERIALIST RESPONSE This is why action by the anti-imperialist movement is so vital. A movement on the streets against the Assembly would lay bare the reality of sense 0 of .# nationalist post- British plans and maké nonurings of the capitalists, F big s ‘Council for a ¥ Ireland’ is a fake butit sa danger« wus fake. Instead ve need to bring forwz oe own alternative -delegates to an All-Ireland Assembly which can place United Ireland on the order of the day and elect a gov emment of working people who will implement the measures | necessary to end British we nee In a recent issue of An forum truly representatiy Phoblacht/Republican News That means elections throu uld shortly be callin out the 32 counties to sleek nference to discuss oppTo the Assembly and | ~ ocracy strongly move and we ding delegates to onterence

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