Move Towards Dutch

Resolution of the Revolutionary Communist Youth-Revolte (RCJ-Revolte)

The Central Committee of the Revolutionary Communist Youth-Revolte, draws the following conclusions out of the development of the struggle in Ireland: 1. The British army is fulfilling a double role, namely that of an occupying power in a foreign country and as a weapon in the class struggle. Although the class relations in Ireland is extremely complex, one can state that the suppression of the Catholic proletariat is directly connected with the privileges of the Protestants, aimed at emphasising the division between the two sections of the population, although a united struggle against the occupiers is to the advantage of both. 2. The British Army in Ireland has falsely arrogated to itself the role of peacemaker. Should, however, a real situation of civil Powers Acts, a police state, comparable set up. police against the Catholic workers.

Although it cannot be described as a fullwar develop, the ‘incidents’ would not be exclusively confined to the Catholic areas. 3. North Ireland is, thanks to the Special to Portugal and Spain. The British Intelligence Service (with a special ‘Black Propaganda’ unit) plays a particularly'black role in this 4. The formation of Protestant Self-Defence organisations has nothing in common with the self-defence of the Protestant proletariat, but has in mind the linking of these organ- PRISONERS. isations with the actions of the Army and the 5. The IRA, in contrast to earlier periods, have learned to assure for itself the support of the Catholic Irish workers and peasants. fledged socialist organisation, it deserves, in this phase of the struggle, the unconditional support of Socialists. 6. The reolutionary struggle in Ireland has great potentialities but its success depends on the revolutionary struggle in Great Britain and Western Europe.

The RCJ-Revolte makes its organisation available for the building of a Netherlands section of the Irish Solidarity Campaign. We put forward the following slogans: FREE ALL INTERNEES AND POLITICAL WITHDRAW BRITISH TROOPS NOW. FOR THE VICTORY OF THE IRISH REPUBLICAN ARMY (IRA) (translated from REVOLTE, January, '72 Organ of the RCJ-Revolte)

The Irish Solidarity Campaign has been in existence for over 18 months and on the Irish issue on an All-British scale. It has initiated and supported demonstrations, picke:s, public meetings, university tours, conferences, and rallies, Through its paper,7he Jrish Citizen, it has pointed out the main issues before the Irish people, and the need for action in Britain to support them.

Since the latest and most vicious stage of the attempts of British imperialism to subjugate the Irish people, beginning last August, ISC has grown dramatically; new branches have Sprung up, and existing branches have grown rapidly. 1SC, with its distinctive political line and its clear conceptions about the kind of solidarity action needed, has been seen as the focus of the struggle in Britain by increasing numbers of militants.

Now the time has come to consolidate the Campaign, and to knit it into a powerful force capable of taking the initiative in Britain in the struggle against the oppression of the Irish people. The purpose of this manifesto is to state the Campaign’s views on the Struggle in Ireland, sum up the experience of the solidarity, move ment to date, and propose the methods by which it can be built.

THE BASIS OF THE IRISH STRUGGLE The present stage of Ireland’s historic struggle began as a peaceful movement for civil rights in the North, but the nature of the _ Northern state meant that these could not created 2 crisis which threatened to bring down the NOrthern state. The intervention of British troops saved the state, but at the cost of denying any hope of progress to the minority. Forced into a corner, the minority has responded with the instrument resorted ‘to by countless generations of their prede| @essors—the gun.

The struggle has become a fight to undo the muschief wrought by the defeats and betrayals of the past, and it has become clear that there can be no change within Ireland, for the benefit of any section of the Irish people, without the overthrow of the settlement of 1922, which partitioned Ireland and delivered both portions, bound and gagged, into the hands of the old enemy.

The failure, or, more accurately, the abortion of the national struggle of 1916-21 created two artificial and reactionary states, which were a grotesque parody of the hopes of the leaders of the Easter Rising, and which have put into question the survival of the Irish nation, THE SOUTH In the 26 counties, the Treaty and the defeat of the Republicans placed the newborn Irish Free State in the hands of that section of the national movement which had stood aside in 1916. They created a conservative, clerical state, which was politically subservient to, and tied economically to Britain, The rise of Fianna Fail reflected the frustration of the mass of the Irish people, who had syimpathised with Republican opposition to the Free State; but Fianna Fail represented only a different section of the men of property, and could only proceed in a limited way to redress the balance between Ireland and Britain. Having accepted the 1922 settlement Fianna Fail had to match every step forward with a quid pro quo, Thus despite the limited success of the economic war, and the gaining of concessions over the Oath, and the Crown (which were only much later to be consumated in all their meaninglessness by the Fine Gael/Clann na Poblachta “Republic” of 1948), Fianna Fail was obliged to take stern measures against those who were not prepared to accept the treaty.

Nevertheless the short lived tariff barriers between Ireland and Britain, and the “‘economic miracle” of Sean Lemass, created a weak and limited industrial base, heavily dependent on foreign capital, but important in the overall context of the Irish economy, North and South.

THE NORTH The Northern State could only exist by means of institutionalising a series of antidemocratic relationships. Religious sectarianism and the ideology of the Orange Order created a bloc of the Protestant land owning, industrial and small bourgeoisie, the petty bourgeoisie, the workers and small farmers. This ensured a stable electoral base for the Unionist Party, which was guaranteed by means of gerry-mandering and political patronage. The opposition of the Catholic and nationalist section of the population was neutralised—by discrimination in jobs and housing, by electoral disenfranchisement, and by forced emigration. In the last resort physical terror ensured that successive generations of the minority understood that they could hope only for bloody repression if they tried to break out of their subjugation, this demoralised them, and erased any hope of change from their minds.

But the decline of the traditional industries of the North, and the vast subsidy to its so cial services, led the. British bourgeoisie to question the value of maintaining this reactionary enclave. The changing balance of forces between the economies of North and South made a rapprochement with the Southern bourgeoisie an attractive proposition, and the impending entry into the EEC ‘meant that Britain had to ensure the closest possible relationship with the Southérn economy, whose agriculture is important to offset the dear food policy of the EEC. In the long term such a new relationship requires the ending of partition, and an Ireland united in economic subjugation to Britain, albeit politically independent.

Such a re-structuring of relationships is no easy matter. It would involve defusing the political tensions within Ireland, and dismantling the whole elaborate scaffolding which has pinned down the Irish people for fifty years. In addition, overcoming the structural differences caused by the different evolution of the Northern economy since the 1801 Act of Union would require vast amounts of capital invest ment, and the patient teasing out of ca.

change, British imperialism haS discovered that it has neither the time nor the money to complete it.

THE BARRICADES This inability was revealed by the course of events from the October 1968 demonstration in Derry to August 1969. The attack on a peaceful Civil Rights march by the RUC showed that the Six-County state forces retained their traditional attitude to political action by the minority; but the changes which had taken place had created a new consciousness among that minority. The O’Neill/Lemass talks, the discussion of future changes in the Irish setup, and the concessions already made in the education sector, (which had created a generation of young Catholics who were not demoralised), all served to stir up the minority to resist this attack—and they flooded to the Civil Rights banner.

The resistance to the Civil Rights struggle by extreme Protestant elements, backed up by the RUC and ‘B’ specials, served only to swell the ranks of the Civil Rights movement, despite the savagery of the Burntollet ambush. Simultaneously the Unionist bloc began to disintegrate, as the Protestant workers moved over to support for Paisley, and other ultraOrange formations such as the UVF. By August ‘69 their frustration and anger at what they conceived to be a sell-out had reached boiling point. Behind the RUC and the ‘B’ Specials they attempted to wreak vengeance on the Bogside and Falls, but again the change in the situation was underlined. These attacks were beaten off, yet behing the barricades the minority held firm, throwing into sharp relief the picture of a Stormont Government unable to control the situation.

Without the intervention of British troops, the Unionist Government could not have survived this crisis; but British imperialism had taken a political decision to save it. Initially a large part of this was to confuse the minority, (the British Army had ostensibly gone in to rescue the Falls and Bogside from a pogrom), but it was inevitable that they would turn their guns on the nationalist population.

It was the attack on the Falls in July 1970 which finally destroyed these illusions, In incident after incident in the preceding months the British Army had been used against the minority, but in July 1970 they imposed an illegal curfew on the Falls, and carried out extegration of the Unionist bloc. radiction Over a.protracted = Ty 3 completely. challenge Stormont.

THE 26 COUNTIES ponse. this process.

tensive arms searches. Four men were callously murdered, and there were wide and indiscriminate arrests. The Official IRA fought the longest gun battle that there had been between Irishmen and the British Army since 1918-21].

The Falls curfew was only the logical working out of British imperialism’s policies; while they wanted to give Ireland a normalised Six Counties, and an eventual united Ireland, they could not afford to let the Irish people take the slightest concession. They knew that the delicate exercise of re-structuring the relationships between Ireland and Britain could only succeed if they maintained strict control over each step in the process. The arms search in the Falls and the searches which preceded and followed it were the product of their fear that the minority, able to defend itself against another August ‘69, would become a powerful independent political force. The searches were also meant as an act of appeasement to the ultra-protestant forces, to hole up the disinURBAN GUERRILLA WARFARE The breach of the unwritten truce which had held from August ‘69 to July ‘70 escalated the struggle to the level of physical force; urban guerrilla warfare, carried out mainly by th 4 6348 ~~ ee « OF mr == = AS gust “71 was an attempt to weaken the military capacity of the IRA, and a further sop to the extreme Protestants to keep Faulkner in power. While it has had some political success it has been useless militarily. But the blatantly discriminatory nature of internment, the accomodation with the UVF-backed vigilante committees, and the tenor of British press F.

propaganda points to one conclusion: British imperialism has postponed any reform in the North for the foreseeable future, and is attempting to crush the resistance of the minority Thus we have seen that the inability of the British and Irish bourgeoisie to alter the 1922 settlement has deepened the content of the struggle, now they are unanimous in their determination to sweep Stormont aside for ever. The springing up of committees to organise and coordinate the civil resistance is of tremendous significance. Linked from street to street and town to town they could create a structure of popular control which could This struggle is already spilling over into the 26 counties. Athlone, in a direct parallel with the battle of Bogside, the Garda Siochana and and Wales.

Irish Army were fought off, and at Ballyshannon the people fought to protect the IRA from the Southern state forces. The pressure on the Fianna Fail Government to collaborate with British imperialism, and the possibility that this could lead to internment in the South will mean more such clashes. The economic situation in the South and entry into the EEC will require attacks on wages, jobs and social services, The workers and small farmers will draw on the experience of the North in their res5 oi is ois fs ae oe oie ie a ie so oe oh ok oe oe The line of development is clear, The struggles of all sections of the Irish people are being drawn together and sharpened by the events in the North. The overthrow of the 1922 settlement, the unification of Ireland, and the passing of the ownership and control of the wealth of Ireland into the hands of the Irish people themselves is the logical outcome of It is the mobilisation of the entire Irish people to dismantle the structures of 50 years of repression which is the best way of winning the Protestant workers in the North away from their reactionary allegiances. When they see that there can be no return to the old ways in Ireland, and that any resistance to change will be met with the solid might of a united Irish people, such resistance will in a large part melt, and be reduced in significance. The example of what a risen Irish people can achieve will draw the majority of the Protestant workers behind the banner of the Irish Revolution.

THE ROLE OF THE IRISH SOLIDARITY CAMPAIGN The ISC aims to create the most effective possible second front in Britain, to support the Irish struggle at whatever level it has reached. To do this we are trying to build a united movement around a common programme of action, and a common understanding of the links between the struggles of the working people in Ireland, England, Scotland Since its inception in October 1970 ISC has tried to unite three different elements in Britain: the Irish exiles, the British student movement, and the British working class and socialist movement.

THE PRECEDENTS We see a number of parallels and precedents for our movement and we have already built up a considerable body of experience of the means whereby an effective solidarity movement can be built. We associate ourselves with the tradition of the International Working Men’s Association, which, inspired by Marx and Engels organised demonstrations and agitated for the release of the Fenian prisoners, and which declared that Ireland was the key to destruction of the might of the British Empire, and shouldbe placed in the forefront of the struggles of the British working class. We associate ourselves with the clear internationalism of Lenin when he fought for the principle of the rights of oppressed nations to self-determination, and

defended the Easter Rising against its “socialit” detractors. We associate with the principled stance of the Third International when it made membership for parties in imperialist countries conditional on their giving concrete support to the struggles of nations oppressed by “their” own bourgeoisie. We see a parallel in the movement in France to support the Algerian struggle, and our most recent parallel in the international movement of solidarity with the struggle against US imperialism in Vietnam.

THE ORIGINS OF ISC Following the rise of the Civil Rights Movement attempts were made in London to start an effective solidarity movement in Britain. The initial impetus came from some Irish militants, and the spark was lit by the election of Bernadette Devlin to West minster. She spoke at mass meetings in various parts of the London and Home Counties area, which attracted large numbers of Irish exiles. For a time the ICRSC (Irish Civil Rights Solidarity Campaign, as High point came in August *69 vand-Suly,” Q Don) a ™ - o tion, and called demonstrations with varying levels of success. But its support steadily eroded due to the false ideas among the mass of Irish exiles about the role of the British Army and the intentions of the British Government. From this slough it gradually emerged with a new role, as an anti-imperialist solidarity campaign. This coincided with other developments in Ireland and Britain which created what was effectively a new kind of movement. The shift in the nature of the struggle in Ireland after July ’70 meant a commensurate change in the nature of the solidarity movement, from a movement supporting the demands of the Civil Rights movement, to one which supported the struggle against British imperialism. ISC was born out of the conjuncture of three processes: the changing of the ICRSC in London into an anti-imperialist group; the spontaneous growth of solidarity committees in various places; and the split in the Republican Movement, which meant that those who stayed with the Officials in Britain, in Clann na hEireann, were anxious to collaborate with the British revolutionary left.

THE IRISH EXILES Since the great Famine there has been a large and permanent Irish population, which has been an important constituent element within the working class in Britain. This emigrant population has never relinquished its ties with the old country, and has created a layer of social, cultural, sporting and political organisations which link together many thousands of Irish people, and people of Irish descent. Originally the Irish suffered severe’ discrimination, and was subjected to racialist oppression of the type now imposed upon black people, but in the last few decades this discrimination has to a great extent eroded, and the Irish have been integrated into the British population without losing their cultural distinctiveness. This is most of all true within industry, where the Irish not only fight side by side with their fellow workers in Britain, but play a role in the trade union movement quite out of proportion to their number, During the latest round of the Irish struggle, the Irish in Britain have responded at best irregularly. Large numbers have participated in rallies and demonstrations from time to time, and considerable sums of money have been raised, but there has been no consistent intervention by the Irish in Britain which . corresponds with their strength, or their strategic position within industry. This can be attributed to two factors: hesitancy about incurring hostility from the British population, (which is strengthened by residual memories of past oppression); and a lack of leadership from exile political organisations, which have seen their role as that of supporting movements at home and making political propaganda to Irish people in Britain, but have not seen the potential on the lish exiles for changing the political situation within Britain itself.

THE BRITISH WORKING CLASS The British working class is one of the most powerful and best organised in the world--one shrug of its shoulders would send the whole edifice of imperialist oppression crashing to the ground. However it is a fact of history that the British workers have rarely either oppressed by British imperialism, or seen the necessity to make common cause with them.

the ideology of Fabianism and by a priviledged bureaucracy which considers that collaThis should lead not to despair, but to determination. It is possible to begin to break down the barriers, and there are stong possibilities that the Irish question could shake th= British working class very deeply. The struggle in Ireland comes almost at the last gasp of the Empire. Since the Second Worid War Britain’s place among the imperialist powers has dwindled continually; the old assumptions of Empire and Order have been challenged and defeated one by one. This has been reflected in a whole number of ways. The old relationship between unions, employers, and the government, which was based on the ability of industry to grant concession after concession, has given way to a war to the knife aimed at smashing the independent organisation of the working class. There has been a steady polarisation within British politics, reflected in the rightward course of the present Tory government. There is, especially among young workers and students, a more critical attitude to the assumptions of the past about the stability and continuity of politica’ life in Britain.

The Irish struggle will probably excalate much further militarily, involving the deaths of many more “economic conscripts”, and despair within the British Army and people about getting out of the quicksand. The running sore of Ireland will frustrate every attempt to solve the crisis of British capitalism, and will add heat to every other political problem. Already the high proportion of people reported in opinion polls as favouring the withdrawal of troops from Ireland is evidence of growing war weariness, A solidarity movement must try to turn this despair and frustration into a conscious rejection of the government’s policy, and an understanding of, and support for, the strugg’e of the Irish people.

In our struggle to win the British working class to a position of solidarity with the struggle in Ireland, we have one firm advantage which, in the long run will prove decisive. The defeat of British imperialism in Ireland is not merely in the interests of (the British working class, A victory for the British Army in the North should represent a tremendous increase in the prestige, political credibility and belief in the efficiency of repression of the British ruling class. 11 would strengthen every reactionary force within Britain, It is no accident that the most vocal supporters of British polithe struggle in Ireland.

THE STUDENT MOVEMENT tion in doing so.

students. has come from student militants.

THE KEY In propaganda lass, studs sion in Ireland.

Ireland within Britain.

cy in N, Ireland are men such as Mad Mitch Mitchell, the butcher of Aden, and other neofascist elements of the ruling class. The defeat of British imperialism would represent a tremendous political defeat for ruling class and would conclusively show that even the most barbarous of repressive policies can be defeated. It would be a direct victory for all the forces, including most importantly the British working class, who are opposed to the British ruling class, It is a common interest and not moral feeling which will win the British working class to solidarise themselves with Students all over the world have taken the lead in opposing imperialist oppression, and although British students have not played as large a role as their counterparts in Europe, North America, and Japan, large numbers of them have participated in struggles against imperialism. It was the students in the main who made Vietnam a major political issue in Britain, and who pioneered new and exemplary forms of political acTo date the response of British students to the Irish issue has not matched the Vietnam movement. Nevertheless the experience of the ISC tour of the universities in the Autumn of 1970 and other meetings in colleges and universtities has shown a wide potential for student involvement. While we do not envisage that students will play as central a role in an Irish solidarity movement as they did for the Vietnamese struggle, the potential is great enough for us to pay particular attention to mobilizing An important advantage to be gained from this sector is assistance in internationalising the Irish issue. The ISC has had contacts with militants in a large number of countries, and solidarity actions have been carried out in a large number of countries, and solidarity actions have been carried out in Sweden, Denmark, Germany, Belgium, the United States, Canada, Australia, New Zealand and Japan.

Interest in the Irish question has been stimulated in France, Switzerland, Italy, Holland and India. In most of these cases the initiative home to the British workers the importance of the Irish issue and open them to counterpropaganda about the facts of British oppresHowever, we do not deceive ourselves that the igniting of such processes is an easy matter. Before the Irish exiles can be moved in the mass they need to be convinced that there is a chance of winning over the British workers and that they will not simply be exposing themselves to hostility. This means that the most immediate objectives of the solidarity movement consist of education and propaganda designed to combat the concen- QUESTION sus of opinion among British workers about Ireland, paying special attention to the most militant sections of the labour movement, and work among Irish exiles which will make them feel their strength, and give them the self-confidence to strike an effective blow for Apart from those sectors mentioned above we must try to win support from two others. The other immigrants in Britain, particularly blacks, have much more direct knowledge of the reality of British imperialism, and can understand the situation in Ireland once the facts are placed before them. Indeed, an allegiance of Irish and black immigrants against their common oppressor would be of great value ia weakening British imperialism. In Scotland and Wales, nationalist and separatist movements have gained considerable support in recent years. These have to some extent been inspired by the Irish example, and some sections have close links with Ireland. While not committing its members to a specific position on the question of independence for Scotland and Wales. ISC stretches out a hand to these movements and invites them to join with us in support of the struggle in Ireland.

THE KIND OF MOVEMENT WE NEED All of this determines the kind of movement JOIN ISC we are attempting to build. ISC is neither an Irish organisation in Britain, nor a movement of British people in solidarity with the Irish struggle; it is an attempt to combine both of these and make use of the links between them to grease the slope of British imperialism’s decline, We recognise that only such a combined movement can be effective either in mobilising support from British militants, or in creating an effective movement of Irish exiles. However, the combination of Irish and British within its ranks does not mean that it has a dual programme. Its programme is determined by the secondary role it plays in relation to the struggle in Ireland itself, and by its ultimate aim, that of winning the British working class to the side of the Irish people.

Its demands are strictly confined to those proper for a solidarity movement, and it does not seek to dictate the direction of the struggle in Ireland.

THE SLOGANS OF ISC Self-determination for Ireland. This is the main principled slogan on which all of our activity is based. Concretely it means that we support the struggle in Ireland at whatever stage it has reached and we do not seek to make any demands on the Irish movement as a prerequisite for our solidarity. We make our main target the domination of Ireland by British imperialism, and seek to mobilise support for the right of the Irish people to decide their own destiny free from the political or economic domination of any foreign power.

Withdraw All British Troops Now. This slogan flows logically from the first, since it is main- % ly by the presence of large numbers of British troops that British imperialism is able to prop up its rotten structure of repression in Ireland.

We reject the argument that the troops are preventing a bloodbath—any movement in Ireland and Britain which was strong enough to force the withdrawal of the troops would be strong enough to ensure the defence of the people. In any case this argument becomes more and more ludicrous in the face of the bloodbath resulting from the presence of the troops. The only principled position fora movement in Britain is the rejection of the right of the oppressor to send forces to main tain British rule in Ireland. We cannot and will not countenance the presence of a single British soldier in Ireland. -— = End Internment and Release All Irish P a, unifying and Prisoners Now. This is the most = Irish man or woman who has fought for Ireland, or is suspected of having fought. We demand their immediate and unconditional “aid of them and their dependents. ye Ours@lves to work for “= Victory to the IRA. It has been the military resistance of the Provisional and Official IRA which has underpinned the political resistance of the Six County minority, and has inspired the support of increasing numbers in the 26 counties. Again the slogan flows from the self-determination postion. British imperialism is involved in a war against the IRA, and we are’ for the defeat of British imperialism and the success of the IRA. The fact that Republicanism has emerged as the vanguard of the Irish people is a result of the history which we discussed earlier.

ISC’S ATTITUDE TOWARDS THE OTHER MOVEMENTS ACTIVE ON THE IRISH ISC is a unique organisation; no other organisation is trying to play the role which it has taken upon itself. It differs from Irish exile organisations in making its main aim the eventual mobilisation of the British working class, and containing both Irish and British militants within its ranks. It differs from British working class and socialist organisations in being devoted to the single issue of Ireland. It differs from other coalitions at present existing in having already. built an all-British structure and having a broader political basis, and clearer conception of the long-term strategy needed to build an effective solidarity movement,and most importantly having a clear and open position for the defeat of the British army in Ireland.

i is because of its unique nature that it can play a role in uniting the various organisations and individuals interested in the Irish struggle. ISC already has worked with a large number of British and Irish organisations, and has a proud record of fostering unity in action between itself and other movements. We intend to extend this kind of work in the future, confident that our programme and aims will be supported by increasing numbers of British and Irish militants, We invite all who support this manifesto, organizations and individuals, to joinwith us in building a powerfukmovement which will open up a second front in Britain of solidarity with the struggle in Ireland.

For details see, back page.

ANTI-INTERNMENT LEAGUE

----- pull-quotes -----

‘it was then.called) began to develop a ICRSC’s h

historic slogan, which again flows from the right of British imperialism to hold a single