The Plough: Vol. 1 no. 1, c. 1971

PLOUGH

LINK THE STRUGGLE

NORTH AND SOUTH

TOWARDS AN IRISH WORKERS REPUBLIC

AD. Defend Dillon and Morrissey

WHENEVER THE PRIVILEGES OF

THE CAPITALIST CLASS ARE

THREATENED, IT WILL RETAL-

JATE WITH REPRESSIVE LEGIS

LATION. IRELAND IS NO

EXCEPTION.

A CONSTITUTION WHICH GUAR-

ANTEES FREEDOM OF SPEECH

AND OTHER "HUMAN RIGHTS"

WILL FORGET THESE LIBERAL

PRETENSIONS WHEN FACED

WITH THOSE WHO OPPOSE THE

SYSTEM.

JOE DILLON AND SEAN

MORRISSEY HAVE PLEDGED

THEMSELVES TO A 32 COUNTY

WORKERS REPUBLIC, FOR THIS

THEY HAVE BEEN CONTINU.

ALLY HARASSED AND INTIMI-

DATED BY THE SPECIAL

BRANCH AND NOW CHARGED

WITH THE MURDER OF GARDA

FALLON. IN THIS TIME OF

CRISIS THE STATE WILL NOT

STOP AT TWO. IT WILL ONLY

FEEL SECURE WHEN ALL SOC

IALIST REPUBLICANS ARE

BEHIND BARS.

THE RELEASE OF DILLON AND

MORRISSEY WILL BE A VICTORY

FOR THE WORKING CLASS.

PEOPLE WISHING TO ASSIST IN

THEIR DEFENCE CAMPAIGN

(POSTERING. COLLECTIONS.

ETC. SHOULD CONTACT THE

SECRETARY, S PARNELL ROAD,

HAROLDS CROSS. DUBLIN 12.

the For too long the struggle against British imperialism has been confined to the North. The incidents in Ballyshannon where Gurdai and Free State Troops were used to break up demonstrating crowds after three IRA volunteers were arrested gives an opportunity to develop the fight on a 32 county basis.

The lessons of Ballyshannon must be assimilated quicly: Fianna Fail, the Unionist Party, and the Tories, despite episodic differences in the last analysis represent the same interests. British capital. The legitimate strugele of the Northern Catholic minority threatens British imperialism and as that struggle intensities these three forces will draw together and work more closely. Fianna Fail The people of Ballyshannon have torn the republican mask of Fianna Fail and exposed the face of British imperialism. This new face has emerged not merely because the traditional spirit of Fianna Fail is dying, as Kevin Boland and his friends would have it, but because of profound economic and social changes.

Flanna Fail has existed for many years as a coalition of various interests: the suall or national employers, the small farmers, and the rural and urhan workers. Most of Finna Failssupport came from these three sections und it was towards these three sections that initially its policies were directed. On coming to power the new party initiated a three pronged attack designed to consolidute its base, Firstly in the interests of the national employers (which was its main concert) il adopted'a protective policy to shelter weak industry from foreign take-overs and competition. Secondiv as a sop to the small farmers it liguidated the land annuities to Britain (which amounted to E1 12,000,000) and fought a protracied economic " suit and done, only a chip off the old block.

war toward this end. And finally to placute the workers it began a major clean up of the city sums and offered various social securities.

In this period De Valera could still evoke the name of Connolly and the respectable press could in turn condemn the "Jacobia' policies of "Ireland's Lenin'. What has happened to change Fianna Fail's role so radically? The answer is that its policy of protection failed miserably, This was officistly recognised in the 50's with the repeal of the Manufactures Act. Then after its return to power in 1959 it launched the First Proeramme for Economic expansion. Thus Fianna Fail embarked on anew policy of direct collaboration with British imperialism. This economic programme was an open admission that frish Industry could not expand from its own resources and would have to depend on capital iniections from Britain. Thus from 1959 to 1969 more tHan 50% of the E109,000,000 invested in Irish industry came from Britain. These ney developments not unnaturally precipated a break up of the class coalition upon wich Fianna Fail was founded. The new comants Lynch and Colley pained the upper-hand.

It is easy to see how under this new leadership the unicy of the party would eventually collapse The comprador faction could progress only through collaboration with British imperialism, which meant the elimination of the small employers, as is happen under the Free Trade Agreement, a running down of the rural sector and vicious exploitation of the labour force.

Not suprisingly the class contradictions within Fianna Fail suddenly sharpened and the first major crack in the monoliti uppeared after the "Arms Teal' with the Aontacht Eireamn split. The process of disintegration is by no means over and it is no secret that Haughey, far from capitulating to Lynch, is quietly gathering his forces and preparing for an assault at the most opportune moment (which may be soon!. The abose outline we hope explains the scab role which Fianna Fall is playing in the present Northern crisis. We also hope that it serves as a warning against any illusions in Boland, Blancy or Haughey-they are, when all How to Develop the Struggle As it stands, the struggle in the North is in a political cul-de-sac. The two sections of the community bave been polarised and although the pleas for anity and reconciliation continue their hollowness is beconting more apparent.

Obviously this slogan as it has been put forward today has had littleeffect and certainly the tacties flowing from it have had a retarding Influence, The Northern statelet grow out of the direct exploitation and oppression of the catholic population, and the Protestant toilers, rural and urban have always existed as a privileged layer. This exploitation and privilese has heen given a systematic and coheshe form by the

JOIN THE YOUNG SOCLALISTS

contact us at:

58 NORTH GREAT CHARLES ST

DUBLIN

(inauiries from the North will be dealt with at the above address/

VOL. 1 NO. 1

PRICE: 5p. Orange Order which holds state power though the Unionist Party. Not until chis oppression and privilege is ended, and not uncil the Orange Order and the Unionist stute which institutionalises their-oppression and privilege are smashed.

#ll it be possible to break the protestant workers from its reactionary ideology and support for British imperialism. This leaves the revolutionary vunguard of the cathobie minority in a dilemma. Obviously the limited forces of the catholic minority, hernie though they are, are inadequate for the rask of smashing the Orango State machine. The only way to overcome this dilemma is to broaden the struggle and take in the south as well.

The Possibility for Struggle in the South The incidents in Ballyshannon show that this perspective is mot utopian. In fact a proper evaharon of the situation shows that it is the only reasonable perspective.

Economic developments since the Second World War, the emergence of comprador capitalisn in the South and the decline of traditional heavy industry in the North has sent the employers and their political agents scurrying cap in hand to Westminster seeking closer unity. The Federal Solution', which is now in vogue, Is British Imperialism's answer and indeed a very acceptable answer as far as Southern capitalise ls concerned.

The longer the struggle in the North continues.

the further away the Federal Sotution reinains, the more difficulties Southern Industry faces.

Southern capitalism under the guidance of Fianna Fail has thorefore a vested interest in a quick Imperialist victory in the North and will seek to aid such a victory, not merely through patrolling the border. but more concretely by introducing.

Internment of ar least highly repressive legislation in the Soutl, Such a policy will undouhtedly unleash a degree of anti imperialist sentiment in the Free State (as it indeed has already done), and if this opportunity is seized, progress can be made The major element in a programme for the National strupple as far as we (in The Plough) are concerned, therefore, must be: SMASH

STORMONT. LINK THE STRUGGLE

NORTH AND SOUTH, From this all our other slogans and demands will flow.

As November, 1971, drew to a close, several moves were made that seemed to anticipate a reunification of the Irish people. Mr Harold Wilson produced his 15 points. Dr. lan Paisley announced himself prepared to recognise the possibility of a 32 County Republic (and, by omission, to recognise the possibility of his remaining in it.) Finally, the government of the Republic broke its silence and moved to report its British opposite number to the Court of Human Rights for its "iltreatment" (not, of course, "brutality") of internees. And, over the week-end, the IRA (Kevin SL.) showed that it was alive and well, and bombing in Belfast.

What does this show? Is Irish unity within imperialism now any more possible after two years...

of a campaign designed subjectively to achieve this? Is there any chance of a "federal solution" to the Irish question being imposed? If these questions are to be answered in the affirmative, it is necessary once again for Marxists to reconsider their perspectives for the future of the national struggle. First ofall, it must be said that the federal solu- Lion is the ideal of British imperialism. The trouble is that its zeal outruns its discretion. British troops are in Northern Ireland because the Imperial Government cannot repeal the Act of 1920 & 1949, not as a prelude to it doing so.

This is shown visibly in the Wilson proposals: the 15 points: one more than the celebrated World War One Inventory of the man's American namesake, and just as surely doomed to failure. Their over-riding significance can be summarized in two facts, They express the good intentions of British imperialism: What it would like to do. (Thus, there is one reason for Heath's relatively benevalent welcome for them). Secondly, they are made by a man who is out of office and likely to be so for at least 3 more vears. Their obvious weakness is shown in their first (& keystone) demand: for the cessation of violence (no prizes for guessing whose violence).

Even Brendan Corish can't take that! Release of internees will wait upon this. Of course, the British troops will remain for 15 years until reunification is an accomplished fact. But, even granting a military victory for the British Army, the whole plan depends on an hypothesis. It assumes the strengthening of the economy of the British Isles to an extent that the Irish social welfare services can be raised to equal those of the United Kingdom.

This seems an Utopian basis for any scheme. Moreover, Mr.

Wilson's own record is economic wizard" does not lead to a belief in his talents as sooth-sayer.

It is unlikely that the extended quarter-century economic boom will be restored. Furthermore.

Ireland's entry to the E.E.C. will mean that Wil son's intended British subsidies will have to be greater than they would under present circums tances. On the other hand, Ireland may not join the E,E.C. In such a case the probable subsidies may still have to be increased, hat, also, they will be a weakening of the economic unily which is a necessary foundation for Wilson's intended political unity. Thus, the 15 points are not worth the breath that all parties in Norchern Ireland have wasted denouncing them. They even are less worth the breath used in the critical support expressed by the parties in the Republic.

Last year 22 wockers were killed while doing their job. According to the Report of the Factory Inspectorate for that year most of thesedeaths occurred due to the criminal neg- Ligence of employers. A farther 2,370 workers were maimed and mutilated during the same 12 months. Yet only 130 employers were brought before the courts by the inspectorate.

Of these 30 had the cases against them: dismissed without further ado, and fines totalling no more than £600 were imposed on the remaining bundred. A bit of mathematical deduction will show you that the Irish State considers the life of an ordinary worker to be valved at about t6. The developments which occurred when Garda Richard Fallon was killed in the Arran Quay Bank raid must therefore have caused some confusion in the minds of many ordinary wor kers. Here was a man, as the Minister for Justice said, who was killed in the course of his daily work. But instead of the whole affair being brushed under the carpet as would have happened with any other worker, it was blown up across the television screen and the newspapers front pages. Ministers, Bishops, and high ranking officials made trany solemn statements of sympathy, conderation and outrage, This time the government had no intention of imposine a mere 26 fine, leaving the culmelt to con-

THE NORTH:

THE SUBSTANCE

tinue an obscure existence On the contrary. a CL0.000 reward was offered and every sea and airport was closed down in an attempt to ap prehend those responsible. Systematic searching and questionning with a few assaults, beatings, smash Suor Eire, Before Arrun Quay they bad.

and a fow threats of revenge were the order of the day. Verbose editorials, articles, and open letters abounded. To cap it all, a state funeral was added as an extra propaganda stunt.

What made the death of Garda Fallon so dittierent from the cruel deaths imposed on some 12 other workers? How come that cheir memocies are condemned to obscurity while the name of Garda Fallon is contingously evoked hy "all right minded people*? The secret of the matter is that Garda Fallon died defending private property and more important still, in suppressing the struggle of the revolationares in the North.

Make no mistake about it, without the funds expropriated from the southern government the fight in the North could not have gone for as Janage it hat or at the nace that it has without

THE SHADOWS &

FRAME UP

the help of the money and arms supplied by The Free State government and the Irish employers who are bound hand and foot by British capical realise this and are determined to already atrempled, successfully at that, to frame some Saor Bire militants. The case of Joe Dillon who is now charged with the murder of Fallon is a case in point, In 1967 Dillon was arrested on an armed robbery charge nearly a year after the alleged offense had occuried.

The Special Branch offered him money if he would inform and when he told them where to stick their money they vowed to crush him.

He was pur on identity parade, but not one of the witnesses identified him. Nonetheless. the cops kept him in custody and after about six months brought him to trial. The only evidence they had against him was a thumb print. How ever, this was of dubious value since only 14 points of it hore resemblence lo Dillons thumb priats. It should be remembered that Scotland Yard demand a minimum of 21 points before More interesting is the attitude expressed by Dr.

Paisley. This has impressed, at least, the Gardiner Place Sino Fein. In one of its increasingly freques attempts to persuade people that it has never beer a Republican organisation this body calls for the 1,C.T.U. to organise the maintenance of law and order. Dr. Paisley is against the E.E.C., it remarks, this expresses the views of the Protestant workers and gives us a basis for inter-denominational unity. Once again, It is necessary to point out the facts of the situation. In the first place, mere opposition to the E.E.C. Is not a bill of clean healch for Socialists. The view that it is so has led the Communist Party of Great Britain to march on demon trations with the National Front. The basis for the Democratic Unionist opposition to entry is more like that of the latter body than thut of the former. Secondly, the whole of the Doctor's present rudicalism is a bit too vague and too new to be sincere, He is violent agninst landlords, but his political loyalty to the Protestant workers did not extend to opposing the Industrial Relations Actugainst which they struck, It is all too con ceivaole that he is preparing his image so that his seizure of power, when it comes, does not disturt too many in Great Britain. It is worth rememberine that Paisleyism has no altercative to the Common Market, Tr is well worth remembering too, that Hitler did nor take power by a coup but as heing the one man likely to command a democratic majority in the Reichstag.

The statemanlike quality of the Doctor's remarks on unity are in kooping with this diagnosis. Now he hints at reunification on a non sectarian basis.

But it is just at this time that the Irish bourgeoisie, criticaily frightened by internal and external crises, are retreating behind the Bishops" skirts. As for Prisley's denunciation of the 1937 Constitution, it is doubtful whether he would accope that of Saorstat Bireann. Political partition of Ireland dates to 1920 not 1937.

But one thing must be said for Paisley, he does not claim national self-determination for his flock Of the other two events of the week, theie is Little to be said. The appeal to the Court of Hu man Rights is a probably meaningless gosture designed to avoid being upstaged in meaningless gestures by Fine Gael. The cumpaten of the week-end may be Kevin Street's "last stand," * Faulkner claimus, bur, on the past form of Trish Republicanism, this sooms unlikely.

All in all, the situation remains the same and it remains the duty of Irish revolutionarios to mobiize the workers politically north and south.

Whether this is done, initially, to back the struggle for national untication or for a more specifically wor king-class aim is immaterial. What is imporlant is that the national revolution must grow over into the Socislist Revolution The Permunent Revolu tion remains on the agenda.

MeArt. they use fingerprints evidence. Nonetheless, Judge O' Keele abrother-in-law of Scan Lemass and a right bastard, gave Dillon 6 years. Hur even be had to admit that perhaps the evidence was not conclusive! There can be little doubt that the State is out to smash Saor Eire and they have seized on the Aran Quay raid to do just this. To dare their efforts in this respect have beau frustrated. Already they have failed to frame Frank Keane,not wichstanding the fancastic witch hunt they mounted in the mass redia. In fact, their case was greatly dumaged in this episode by the obvious perjury of some of the police witnesses. Having failed, they are cow turing their efforts towards Morrissey and Dillon, two well-known Socialist-Republicans who have nover shirked their duty to the revolutionary cause. Again they are using the same compromised scum to frame these two revolutionaries! There is no end to che stupidi of the Police and their hatred for Saor Bire, The Young Socialists call for the defence of Morri ssey and Dillon in the name of the struggle against capitalism and British imperialism, all those Who ar interested should send funds to the Defenee Campaign, care of the Young Socialists.

Markin

PETER GRAHAM

EDITORIAL:

Despite the gigantic progress in technigue and production the world remains as barbarous as if man still worked with Oint and stone. The barbarity of unemployment, homelessness, poor wages and low living standards still scourges society. Today the workd is scarred, as ever before by wars of privilege and plunder, Millions of pounds are wasted on armaments while mil- Hons of starving workers and peasants perish.

And the powerful advances in science and industry have served not to further the progress of civilisation but on the contrary, to intensity the exploitation and oppression of the greater part of humanity. In a society whore production is carried on socially but where the rewards are reaped by private individuals, every advance is but a new twist in its own death agony.

Peter Graham, who came from a working class home, but who was a highly qualified technician saw the madness of this contradiction. He readily dedicated his life to resolving this irrationality. He pledged his life to the future of mankind because like every true revolutionary the future wasworth more to him than the present sacrifices.

The death of Peter Graham was a cruel and tragie blow to the Young Socialists.

His tireless work and political guidance was invaluable to our organisation, especially ut our more youthful days. By the strength of his reasoning und the example of his personal courage he planted the seeds of revolutionary politics deep among us.

The credit for any contribution we in the Y.S.

can make to the struggle for socialism in Ireland will go largely to Comrade Grabam.

Why, one might ask was an individual, driven by such conviction that he disregarded his own well-heing and placed himself in such danger? If you cannot see the answer it is only because you have never opened your eyes.

Look around! His commitment began with his support for the Labour Party. He soon outgrew this and became action though an omential guide. They were a member of the Communist Party. Here his revolutionary views were unwelcomed and he was quickly "dropped". Then he joined the Irish Workers Group. He began to develop more politically taking a serious interest for the firch tim in economics philosophy and history. When the Irish Workers Group split, Peter helped found a nominally Trotskyist Group the League for a Workers Republic. He soon discovered that some of his associates while revolutionary in words, stood full square in opposition to Trotskyism in practice. particularly on the international and national questions. Finally, after putting up a bifter fight in face of criticism and ignorance he lett for London to organise a defence campaign for Frank Keane, a leading fighter against British imperjalis, then being framed on a murder change.

While in London, Cde Grabam joined the International Marxist Group and the Fourth Inter.

national. When the opportunity to lay the four ism must be practiced. Thus, Cde Graham dations of an Irish Section of the Fourth Inter.

national arose, Peter returned Insmediately.

Back in Dublin he rejoined the Young Socialists and was an importunt driving force in orgatising of doing this is through the Fourth International a Trotskyist faction which rapidly won the overwhelming support of the Dublin reponal arca and the sympathy of other branches around the country He had indeed tremendously enhanced derstand his reasons for forming the Fourth Inthe possibility of organising a revolutionary marx- ternational. Naturally they have all eventually ist organisation before he was lost to us.

Theory But Cde Graham's qualities were coc only or even The lesson to he learned fiom Cde Graham's primarily of an organisational and administrative nature. He was first and foremost a thinker. He read widely in Marxism and went back further to Its very roots. Only a short time before his assasination he had begun a study of the German philosopher Hegel from whom Marx learned much. Healy-Lambert grouping whose treachery in He did not suffer from the inferiority complex common among so many workers and petty bour- France, and indeed Ireland affords a particular geois clements who imagine that economics, and philosophy is only for intellectuals and professors, same path could leam a lot from Cde Graham.

The workers being a subject class possessed nothing but their ability to think. Trit is the only weapon at their disposal in their fight for a new society.

and Cde Graham saw the necessity to develop this naturally from his revolutionury instincts it had Many "activists'" weapon to its sharpest edge.

PETER GRAHAM -1946-1971-

(as they like to call themselves) on the revolution.

ary left were surprised to learn the circumstances of Peter'sdeath. They never understood that for.

a revolutionary Marxist cheory is only a guide to amazed to find this young militant who was so dedicated to theory had done more in his short Tife for che cause of socialism than the rest of them put together. We in the Young Socialists fully realise that we can become worthy inheritors of Cde Graham's herose legacy only it we live up to his example in this respect.

The Fourth International Intimately linked with his pursuit of knowledge was Cde Graham's tireless efforts to build the Fourth International. Internationalism to him was not an abstract idea. Because he was a real revolutionary involved in the actual struggle ho could not have done his work effectively without the solidarity and support of his interna tional comrades. It is all right for chose "acti vists" who engage themselves in what is really only reformist activity to talk endlessly about "internationalism" ber for revolutionaries locked in life and death strugele, internationalquickly graiped the need for Irish revolutionaries to integrate themselves with the world revolutionary movement. Today the only means Many former associutes or Coe Graham who are only observers and not active participants in the struzele, were because of this unable to uneither shified significantly to the right or degenerated into helpless philistines.

TRIBUTE TO

brund of internationslism is that without the Fourth International revolutionary theory and practice is in the long run impossible. The fate of numerous sectarians who split from the Fourth International is bitter proof of this, The the revolutionary struggles in Cuba, Algeria example, Others who are bent on following the The National Question Because Cde Graham's internationalism flowed notbing in common with the bland cosmopolitanism now thriving in the labour movement.

For Marxists internationalism means that a nation which oppresses another nation can never itself be free, The fate of the workers in the metropolitan countries is determined by the fate sphere where all class interests meet and the of the workers in the oppressed and exploited colonies. This and noc a childish rejection of national ditferences is the source of workers" internationalismi. Accordingly Peter Grabam saw it as his duty to the entire world proletariat to struggle for Irish freedom, for the unification of the country and the defeat of British imperialists. (and what is only an extension of this), and Due to this he has been denounced by some im potent sectarians as betraying the struggle of the working class. Needless to say this accusation was rejected out of hand. The division of the country and its domination by British interests has seriously retarded the growth of the Irish economy and consequeatly, the strength of the working class. Generation atler generation Dr Irish workers have heen subject to emigration unemployment, low wages, and in general a tired as leish representative of the Fourth Intemaexistence. In Ireland the solution to the national tonal, he was determined not to create a question is very much a part of the workers struggle and the fight for socialism. Those who ¡more or underestimate the importance of the national strangle do so from a reformist stance and as such, are as far removed from Marxism as mere nationalist is, Stenuning from Cde Graham's approach to the natienal question was his attitude to the Republican Movement. He categorically denied the general possibility of purely nationalist movements defeating imperialism in this epoch. However, this does not mean that the struggle of the Republican Movement is entirely fruitless. In as far as this struggle helps to defeat British imperialism it must be supported and not by words alone, Moreover, any revolutionary attempting to construct a Marxist party must recognise the fact that a large portion of the most class cons.

ciol workers are organised in the Republican Movement. These tao factors combine to condition Cde Graham's attitude to the Republican Movement.

It was he who taught us that the rank and file: could be broken from the reformist and Stalinist leadership (1) by proving our worth, and (2) by scientilic criticism. Anything other than active participation in the struggle and scientific criticism. could only hinder and disrupt the attack against British Impenalism. It would be a sad day if Irish Trotskyists brought shame on the revolucionary traditions of the Fourth Internationel by such actions. We challenge any.

one, in the name of Cde Graham to show a shred of "capitulation" to republicanism or "Catholic bourpesis nationalism" The Revolutionary Party Cde Graham'sposition on the national question sheds interesting light on his efforts to construct i determaned nucleus of revolutionaries who would eventually lay the foundations of a mass revolutionary parly arises out of the uneven derelopment of working class consciousnesa.

The working class, as most workers know from their own experience, is highly fragmented by virtue of its relationship to the means of produccion. Before the class can be welded into a solid force to oppose capitalism this fragmentation must be overcome. Under no circumstances can this be achieved on the hasis of the economic or day to day struggle which is itself firmly conditioned by this very fragmentation. The cofsciousness and interests of the working class in general, can only be unified and evened out by means of a scientific programme which sums up the whole experience of the class and relates chis to its historical tasks. Furthermore, the nature of this programme means that walle it takes into account the economic struggle it is placed squarely in the political arena. the only sphere in which it can be hoped to develop the consciousness of the workers geperally and to a scientific level. Thus, Cde Graham was all the mose a revolutionary when he gave up his shop-steward position in the ETU and involved lumself more actively in the direct political.

military strugale against British imperialism.

Such a programme as said above implies un organisation of revolutionaries to transiate it into concrete reality. Revolutionaries who join the organisation accept this programme and consequently a strict central discipline without injustice to anyone is possible. Thus, Cde Graham did not make an alitoo common mistake of fetishising organisational structures in his efforts.

caricature of a Bolshevik Party geared with all the familiar trappings of a mass party, froma central committer to various layers of membership, as he was all too accustomed to when he was a member of the WR Conclusion Perhaps the reader may think that this is a rather unorthodox type of obituary, more of a political statement than anything else. And the reader is probably right. The death of a courageous and devoted revolutionary may occasion a sense of loss and sadness but never pessimism and despair.

Cde Graham knew the risks involved and now that he has been called upon to face the consequences there can be no time for recrimination.

Of course, his cowardly assassins cantiot escape the hand of revolutionary justice for much long er and will pay dearly for this crime agninst the But the revolutionary road, Irish Revolution. we reaffirm, remains as ever the only road.

This is in the spiric of Peter Graham himself and in the best tradition which he has bequeathed us.

In a book written by Leon Trotsky, that undaunted revolutionary two vears before he himself was brutally murdered. Ode Graham under- Bined the following lines: "The hangmen think in their obtruseness and cynicism that it is pos.

sible to frighten us. They err! Under blows we become stronger, It is possible to kill indivi dual soldiers of our army bat not to frighten them, Friends, we shall repeat again ... IT IS

NOT POSSIBLE TO FRIGHTEN US"

These lines carefully noted by Cde Graham give I revealing insight into his character. Though he was by do means a sentimentalist, he could not refrain from marking out chose words which so eloquently capture the fighting spirit of Trotskyism. Truly, the Young Socialists can say of Peter Graham as the only revolutionary ballad says of the Fenians "We may have as good, but we'll never have becter?

Bur, despite this, working class military was soon tatively different. According to Patrick O'Connor strike be arbitrated, under the direction of the Ar the start of the Rar of Independence, De Valera isid down his edict, "Labow must wair".

ie. that labour must subordinate its class interests to the nationalist struggle.

Throughout most of the wor, labour waited.

Below, Rayner Lysaght describes the month when this class alliance fell assurider.

The truce of 12th July, 1921 ended effectively the Irish War of Independence. It began.

too, a determined counter-offensive by the Irish employers against the gains made by their workers in the previous five years.

The link was notco incidental. From 1920 onwards there was world-wide reaction in which the bosses set about crushing their workers.

In Ireland, this reaction took the political form of the Tan War and the Belfast pogin weakening the trade unpos in the northeast of the island, the Black & Tans could only contain the advance of Labour; they could not reverse it. The continuing survival of the volunteers made it impossible for direct militarism to be imposed. The British Government's military advisers informed it that the Republic could not be defeated by force of arms in less than a year. Such a long drawe out solution was unsatisfactory to British capitalism for both economic and political reasons. So the British Prime Minister, Lloyd George sought an agreement with Dail Eireann, As the Dail feared the choice between military defeat and working-class mobilisation that the "Tan War was forcing on it, it accepted the Truce.

Ever since then, in fact, Dail Eireann has been the instrument of the capitalist democratic dictatorship' in 26 counties of Ireland.

The irish employers recopnised this immediately. Even under the Black & Tans they had attempted policies that led to clashes with their workers, as had occurred, most notably.

at Arigna (see Young Socialist, August 1971).

As the end of the War approached, various empioyers began to act with new vigour. On the 24th of June the owners of 15 to 16 With the actual truce, the employers initiated the class war. The position of the workers was weakened by the British Government's repeal of the legislation controlling the railways and the conditions of work "enjoyed" by agricul- But the first actual clash came in the engineer.

ing trades (other than shipbuilding). Here the bosses were encouraged by the success of their counterpurts across the Channel. In Britain on the 30th June, after several previous draft agreements had been defeated by the workers, the Federation of the Engineering & Shipbuilding Trades made a new deal withthe Engineering & National Employers' Federation. By this, the increase in wages (6/- per week: 15% piecework) that the former had gained for its members in March, 1920, was to be removed in two stages: on 15th July and 15th August, On 13th July.

this was passed by the eng neers by 175,000 Most of the engineering employers in the trish Republic were affiliated to the E.N.E.F. and were cager to enforce similar cats on their workkers. But these latter did not accept the auchority of the F.E.S.T. and were prepared to fight.

arguing Ireland's high cost of living. The E.N.E.F. prisingly, sales rose by nearly 100%, and the refused its Irish affiliates the power to make any separate agreement. Acoordingly, on 30th July: the Irish engineers, including 700 in Dublin, struck work to preserve the status quo. There was no question of demanding more: the operation was conceived to hold what was possessed.

Almost inuediately afterwards: there come the Annual Meeting of the Irish Labour Party and Trade Union Congress. At it, a 9 point programme was proclaimed, but no new machinery was created to organise a strategy to implement it, and proposals to this end were sidetracked by being shown in revolutionary forms. An early move was made at Charleville, a town which had enjoyed a general strike every year from 1918.

On 13th August, at the local co-operative creamery, Christopher Foley led out workers organised in the 1,T. G.W.U, in a lightning strike This ac tion was to strengthen the demand for a closed shop for the E.T.G.W.U., two employees were not threatened to send the Volunteers to eject the organised therein, Michael Motherway, the Chair. Soviet if its members did not leave, peacefully.

man of the local Rural District Council proposed arbitration. This was rejected by the creamery's Committee of Management. The next day, the strikers seized the creamery and ordered our the manager and the 2 scabs But they did not immediately work the place Instead, they dismantled the machinery and closed down the premises. This may not have been relative conservatism; the creamery was owned by its suppliers so that to close down the place rather than to take their milk was The dispute continued until 20th August, when the committee of management agreed finally to refer it to arbitration. On the 23rd the relevant tribunal ordered the creamery to employ only members of the I. T.G.W.U. and criticised the committee for having refused to negotiate.

It criticesed Foley, also, for the suddenness of his action, bur he had won his case.

Charleville was merely the first of a series of similar, and, mainly, more radical, actions that showed how far the leaders of Irish Labour were The next took place at the Mills and Bakery at Bruree, C. Limerick, a plant owned by Messrs.

Cleeve, In the history of this event one is handicapped by the supertluity of conflicting stories.

Certainly the dispute began in November 1920, when what were numbered respectively as 4 (by one of their comrades), 1 bachelor (by the company) and 2 (by the Cork Examiner) employees were sacked. In February 1921, the I.T.G.W.U, the dockers were supported by the river pilots the sacked men's Union, called for the latters" reinstatement and for payment of full wages (E70 (those plots responsiale for werking sea traffic in all) for the 14 weeks in which they had been lasd off. The company refused, but, the next mon by a sympathetic strike of 4 Queenstown dockaccording to itself, it reinstated the one man in- Despite the Company's self-satisfaction, on Friday Stars Point and the Ivy Porth, with pit wood evening, 26th August the employees in the mills and the bakery occupied these plants. They were led in this by the local I.T.G.W. U, organisers, Sean Carrgun Head, was held forcibly; the pilot was Dowling and Sean MoGrath. Both of these had led detained ashore, and the mate was prevented the workers in a similar fight against Messes. Cleeve from lashing the ropes. The Bantory Bay in May 1920, when they helped organize the occur Steamship Company's coastal vessel, the S.S.

pation of the Knocklong creamery owned by the company's subsidiary, the Condensed Milk Compan Castletown Bere, was more successful: it cut its of Ireland. In the new light, only the Manager, the wire houser and reached the sea without a pilot.

Chief Clerk and an assistant to the latter srood aloofit Questown, there were detained two cargo Another organiser of the 1.T.G.W.U., Patrick Doherty, was appointed Manager of the new, over 14,500 worth of condensed milk (from the neighbouring factory) and over 20 tons of flour & feeding-stuffs. The Red Flag was hoisted over the buildings and, abose their entrance, was placed a placard. "BRUREE SOVIET WORKERS to the office of the Harbour Board to be paid

MILLS, WE MAKE BREAD. NOT PROFITS".

A more detailed proclamation declared:- Bruree Mills and Bakery are now the property of the workers. The Mill and Shop are open for the sale of bread, four and meal. It is hoped mo reduce prices and do away with proditoring within a day By Order of the Workers", The Soviet was as good as its word. The 2l6 loaf of bread, sold elsewhere at 8d was marked down to 7d. Coal's general price per cat, was 4/10d- 4/8d: at Bruce, 3/8d. Flour was cut from 38/6d to 36/6d per % sack: indian meal, from 371-10 35- pollard fhom 14/- to 13/-;Linseed meal, from got away to sea without a pilot, 27/- to 25/- per cwt., flake meal from 28/6d to 27/- and barley meal from 18/-to 16/- Not sur On 5th Septemher, both the Cork daily papers Soviet declared its intention to bire more hands.

on account of the increasing demand. It also raised wages and salaries all round by 7/6d per week. It claimed too, that output rose to meet The Irish Independenr descrabed the villagers of Bruceo as regarding the affair with an element of leave or unload timber at the North Chamel.

unconcerned humour, not unmixed with amaze.

In Britain, the Home Office declared it to be the The reaction of Constance Marcievicz, returned 1o the Dail Department of Labour after months in British jails, does not seem to have been quali- (in a subsequent issue of the Voice of Labour).

she summoned the Soviet leaders to Dublin. Certainly negotiations were proceeding at Liberty Hall, before the end of the month. And, on 2nd September, the dispute was settled, "amicably", according to the Unionist, Cork Constitution, according to O'Connor, only after Marcievicz had On 3rd Seplember, the Mills were returned to Messes, Cleeve, "under normal conditions.

But, by then, another dispute was approaching Soviet proportions in Cork on 14th March 1920, the dominant Sinn Fein-L.T.G.W.U. coalition on Cork Corporation had had a motion passed that set up a Commission into the Cost of Living in the city. At the end of September, it reported estimating that a "living wage" in Cork was 60/- per week- rather more than most workers received at the time. On 12th February 1921 the Corporation ratified this state- Immediately, the harbour workers raised a claim for the recommended living wage (an increase of 716d per week in what thay got). Under the pressure of the claims of unity against Britain, this was allowed to lapse until the Truce.

harbour Board stated that the individual Ziad per week wage increase would be too expensive for it as years of war had reduced its effi- At a meeting of the Board in August one of its members Councillor Robert Day, the Secretary of the Cork Branch of the I.T.G.W.D., proposed that the matter he referred to arbitration. He could not get a seconder, although the Chaurman, F.J. Daly expressed sympathy. On 25th August, he repeated his defeat to the Cork & District Trade Union & Labour Council which nominated a delegation to see the Borad on the From 12.30 p.m. the next day, apart from the docks of the City of Cork Steampacket Co. & the Clyde Co, the port of Cork was strikebound.

This situation was intensified further becuese between Cork & Queenstown, now Cobhi and Five steamers were held up in Cork barbour. At Cork Quay, there were four colliers, two the cargoes, and two the Star and the Foy, with ballast. At Marina mills, a grain steamer, the Princess Beara, loaded with a general cargo for steamers: the S.S. Erlesborough, with a cargo of maize from the Argentine, and, outside the harbour entrance, the Anglo-American oil-tanker On Friday, 2nd September, at 2.30 p.m., 150 strikers marched in a body behind the Red Flag off. On receiving their money, they placed another Red Flag over the office, before continuing a march, behind the banner, through the city.

Later, the I.T.G.W.U, senounced that it would distribute permits to ships for their pilotage from its Cork H.O. The next day a meeting of strikers voted against granting any such documents. It seems to have been then that Day (possibly inspired by the news of che Bruree talks) The Cork Executive announced its full support proposed and gor carried his motion to take over for its District Socretary. Long locked away Meanwhile. in desperation, the Stor followed the example of the Princess Beera, cut its houser and were encouraging panic against the strikers. The Cork Examiner warned lest the shipping Lines boycotted the harbour. The Cork Constination warned lest the merchants of the city do the Nonetheless, the strikers refused, once ir let the Start Point and the ivy Porth either Instead, they placed pickets on them.

Sir James Long, the Secretary to the Harbour Board, was worried enough to call a special meet- Kenneally made a circult of those of the haring of the Board at 1 p.m. on that day to discuss Standing Orders were suspended to discuss a motion of Alderman Liam de Roiste, T. D. that the Dail Department of Labour by a committee com-

AUL

THE MO

QUREE WORKERS SOVIET

posed of representatives of'the Board, the work- This proposal (and, indeed the suspension of Standing Orders to discuss it) were opposed from two contrasting quarters. One was Sir John Scott.

the Leader of the Unionists of the Cork Corporation. He hau already objected to the Board's assembling under the Red Flag. Now he denounced any compromise with the strikers who were, he Day had opposed motion and suspension from his own standpoint. Now he made it cleur to the Board, He denied Scott's statement and declared that the workers were ready to take over the full funning of the port, that they world be able to oblain theis 703-per week thereby, and that they would improve efficiency, weeding out the incompetent ruthlessly. He deo lared that the proposed, belated offer hisd come too late. He had put the motion for a takeover.

The mechanics were willing to serve under the Soviets. Now he offered the clerks a similar share in it. The Red Flag would be taken down only at the costof" 10. 20-ave. 100 lives If the Irish Republican Goverament can put me out of office tomorrow, they can do it. But they De Roiste was conciliatory, He pleaded the Tan War and Martial Law as the excuse for the harbour's inefficiency. He declared hiraclf ready to offer control of it to the I.T.G.W.U.-but only wader the proper forms. He ended by emphasising Deil Eireann's capitalism; it recognised the right to strike, bur it was determined The Board voted in favour of de Roiste's motion, I also appealed to the Cork Executive of the I.T.G.W.U. to accept it tand thus. to all the Harbour Offices' books and documents in preparatiun for the takeover. All that hanpened as a result of the Board's oiler was that, the next day, September 6th. the Cork Constination denounced it, in leader column for its "abdication" of ios responsibilities.

On the same day as this appeared, at 10.30 a.m.

a crowd of workers proceeded to the Harbour's Offices to take charge. Day led in a group of three composed of himself, Thomas Coyle, and William Kenneally, the Chairman of the: Cork Branch of the LT.G. W.U. They asked Long to serve under workers control. When he refused, he was replaced by Day as "Chief Commissioner of the Port of Cork", with Kenneally as "Socond Commissioner" and Coyle as "General Steward".

bour stall that had not yet been consulted as to the seizure. It was accepted by the Harbour Master, Captaly Blanchard, the Assistant Engineer, the caretaker and the telephonists. The office staff was less favourable. In the depart ment of the Accountant and the Does Collector, a shieht majority of the employees denled the

ance of the commission's decision. Talks resumed. Lation. Their comrades preferted to allow mat. The Drogheda events coincided with a formal

- SEPT. 1921

INTH OF SOVIETS

ILLS WE MAKE BREADS NOT PROFITS

liquidity of the Soviet and refused to work in it.

They were allowed to leave peacefully.

Having won what support could be won in the Cork offices, Kenneally, Coyle and Thomas Murphy took a launch (flying the Red Flag) to Queenstown to take over the harbour there.

But the office workers" lack of solidarity, added to the locking away of the Harbour Office books.

were handicaps to the Soviet's power. Never theless, its Commissiones asserted their mead ness to collect the harbour dues. Day that ships would move to and from the bar only with his perminion. He set about his business promptly, giving an entrance permit to the Barwick and exit permits to several of the ships that had been waiting to leave. Against over enthusiastic workers who wished to use the offices for their own private ends (because they were now, common property) he insisted on the building's function and privacy being respected. Once immediate business had been settled, the Commissioners held a press conference. Here Konneally announced his readiness to assert the authority of the workers even against that of Dail Eireann, Day was more moderate. He declared that the Soviet had taken the greatest pains to have avoided involving anyone other than the harbour workers, and pointed out that the cross-channel shipping and carrying companios were operating as usual.

But the Harbour Board was looking for a means to regain control, even by a tactical retreat. IL was supported by the Secretary of Dail Eireann's Departmont of Labour, At 11:30 a.m., he and F 1. Daly led a deputation that met Kooncally and offered him new terms: that the strikers return to work on the old pay scale (receiving back pay for the strike period) until Saturday.

10th September. Then, at 11 a.m., a committee made up of Daly, Daly and a Chairman, to be appointed by Dail Eureann, would meet to dis.

cuss the full wage claim, including the arrears thereof from 4tb February, and to make a binding decision on the matter.

Having heard these terms, the Commissioners discussed them among themselves. They agreed to recommend them to a special meeting of the strikers at 3.00 p.m., with the pilots' leader.

Captain D. O'Regan, in the Chair, Kenneally moved the accoptance of the proposals most developed form ul workers" control in ins He praised Daly highly. In what seems to have been a sop to bourgeois opinion, he pointed out that the workeis action had shown that they were not "eving up"" Cork Harbour Day addressed his hearers as " Bolsheviks" but backed Kenneally. He insisted that tne proposals did not provide for "arbitration", but fora conference, and thar, if this failed to end in the claim being granted. he would move to revive the signs as to how the frish struggle might go. Unel Soviet, He denounced the lost trade unionism of Septeaber, 1921, the Soviet disturhances had the clerical stult. Like Kenneally at the press conference, he warned against too mach trust in the Republicans; the I.R.A. could be used as a strike-breaking force, in which case, it would have the actual capitalism in that Party's conemic po to be opposed. When O'Regan put the proposals to the meeting.

they were carried unanimously.

Day directed the strikers to retur to work. He declared that the Red Flag would only be lowered by the men who raised it "on Monday (next) when we have our E3/10." The meeting ended with Kenneally's leading the meeting in The Red ment, the barbour I the Hack matidind it. It did tha, despite Sir John Scott's protests against its "pusillanimity" and on Daly's assurance that the Red Flag would be lowered that evening (as it was, at 6.00 p.m.). On hearing the news, and despite the break of Day's promise on the flag, the much basis for unity, Whan O'Callaghan ran Board's' employees returned to work, except for the shipyard men who resumed the next day.

The following Saturday, 10th September, at 11.30 a.m, the commission met. Its proceedings were nearly stopped prematurely by a letter from J. J.

Walsh, one of the T. Das for Cork City, who denounced the I.T.G.W.U.'s disciplising of 2 scabs as breaking the agreement of the 5th. The union agreed to stop, subject to its members" accept- The settlement that was reached included the pay- cause of dispute as it arose. Even more, amongst ment of the 716 d per week demanded since 14th February in a lump sum for the increase claimed.

For the future, the workers were to receive a rise of Cl per week until a new Commission on the cost of living in Coric is reported. This body's decision would be binding retrospectively to the 10th of September, unless the workers would suffer thereby. In addition a Committee of Enquiry was to be established to look into the working of Cork Harbour. On 14th September, the Cork Harbour Board ralified the agreoment, However, the next day.

the Trades Council refused to associate itself with per week, with the backing of Foran (the Prethe proposed Cast of Living Commission. on the grounds that its composition gave it a bias in fayour of the capitalists. Even so, the agreement stoed effectively for the rest of the year, and the port of Cark remained generally quiet. The Cork Harbour Soviet itself had not been the period. As with all the seizures, until then, it was from it were the result of conscious planning at conceived as a tactic to gain limited ends. And.

evenas a tactic, its leaders carried it through with excessisely outspoken optimism combined with too lillle caution in securing what they were promised. But the seizure was important because its leaders' outspokenness gave a specific form to existing been merely signs of permanent revolation; that the Workers" Republic was a real potential in Sinn the unskilled workers in the LT.G.W. U. The pre- Fein's Republic, With the post-war economic crisismises themselves were described by the Freeman's licy became explicit. With the truce, it was more was done there had reached a high standard. But the British Government as an equal, bourgeois, power. Thus, Marcievicz could threaten the Dail in the workers" interests. On the day after the Cork Harbour Soviet, the Cork Construrion on strike since the 30th of July.

produced a fist leader that defended the Dail by the appearance at the Cork and District Trades Union and Labour Council, of J.T. Walton tain. He praised the Irish Soviets to an appreciative audience. This brought forth another anti-Communist leader from the Cork Conszitution. The Cork Examiner was more subtle; anonymous letters appeared in its columns, denouncing Newbold, on the slim ground that he had admitted his inability to pronounce "Bruree" But the most effective tomediate result of the Cork Harbour Soviet was thar it ended the Sinn Fein-L.T.G.W.U. alliance chat had controlled the Cork Corporation since January, 1920, Day and Kenneally were brought up before Sinn Fein and attacked for their usc of the Red Flag (as opposed to the Tricolor). They remained unrepentant and the petty bourgeois wing of the alliance drew away. It is possble that this was encouraged by per sonal factors. The Lord Mayor of-Cork, Doral O Callaghan, was not, generally, as sympathetic 1o Labour as his two predecessors, MeCurtain and MacSwiney. The leader of the I.T.G.W.U.

on the Corporation, Alderman Taigh Barry, was at one and the same time a member of Sinn Fein, the very personification of the alliance.

But in September,1921, he was interned by the British in Ballykinlar camp, where he would be killed by them in November.

But personal differences could not alter the objective facts. The Soviet was the most obvious division between the trade union and the party.

On 7th September, the Sinn Fein dominated Cork County Council voted out a motion bindeit jobs the next day. ing it to employ only trade union labour. The Cork Trades Council's rejection of the new oat of living commission was the other side of the coin. What the Harbour Soviet did was clarity the divisions between labour and Sinn Fein so that nobody could imagine, now, that there was for re-clection as Lord Mayor of Cork in Janurary,1922, he was opposed by Kenneally on the specific issue of the social outlook.

The mistake of Day and Kenneally was that they did not try to force the pace any further.

But it was understandable: they got no guidance from their National Executive.

At least, they had brought matters to a confronters to develop haphazardly and to take each the trade unionists of Cork, there was actually some criticism of the seizure. At the Trades Council meeting of 15th September, a certain delegate Cody, of the Typographical Association, denouneed the Soviet, but he was alone.

Outside Cork. there was a rash of strikes over the country, mainly to achieve limited ends within the broad direclives of the Labour Party.

On the other hand, as if to emphasise the importance of militant action, all Irish dockers, outside Cork, had their wages reduced by 11sident of the I.T.G.W.U.). And, with the exception of those in Dundalk who struck against this.

they accepted it. But, in the midst of unplanned military and timid leadership, one section of the Irish workers could still give their comrades a further lesson in activism. This group was the engineers, whose strike had continued for over a month.

How for the events that were now to result mational, rather than local, level is uncertain.

Certainly the choice of venue for this Soviet action can be explained beth on the gounds of purely local militaney, and on those of a national very much in the minority, Encouraged by its scheme prepare with the caution normal to the Irish trade union leadership. The foundry at Droeheda had seen better davs. At one time it had emploved 500; now its staff numbered 40.

They were organised in 2 trade unions, the moul- trayed.

ders, in the Amaleamated Engineering Union and Journal as "fire and roomy" and the work that eager than not to formalise its position and to faceplans to expand production had had to be shelved due to the "Tan War" and to a longer term lack of demand. The foundry was owned by the Drogheda Bruree Soviet with the Volunteers. And, thus, in Corporation, which leased then at E12 per annum response to their situation, Day & Kenneally coulato the Drogheda Iron Works Company, directed insist belatedly on their readiness to oppose the By Telford (the Managing Director) and Burn, of The workers here, as elsewhere, had been Belfast, secretary of the A.E.U. arrived at the foundry. Ho was followed by 21 skilled men and 7 boys. They announced to the Manager their intentions of taking Such fears were incressed, on the 9th September, over the foundry as they could see no renson wity the works should not be re-started. They would work the foundry until a settlement was reached, or, if not, Newbold of the Conmunist Party of Great Bri- then permanently on an expanded basis. There was, after all, great room for development.

A foreman moulder from Dublin was employed for the Soviet to direct the working of the toundry. The furnaces were re-started, moulds were produced in response to orders from Dublin firms. The Freeman's Journal report talked of "roaring furnaces" and work apparently at high pressure". The takoover was generally supported in Drognada, though, of course, not by the wellto-do. (The Irish dedependent reported general opposition to it. But it was likely to exaggerate any such tendencies).

On the night of the 14th, the Soviet posted guards on its prize. But reaction was not inmediate. It appeared the following afternoon when all were at work. A lorryload of R.I.C.

men, under Detective-Inspector Egan arrived at the foundry. They were armed with truncheoris, and declared their orders to clear the premises and their own readiness so to do.

Less roalistic than their comrades in the south, the workers were taken by surprise. They uppealed to a representative of the Foundry Company to ensure their payment for the work that they had achieved. This was refused them. With the threat from the R.I.C. still present, they left quietly. Subsequently, they appealed to the Mayor of Drophada, who agreed to arbitrate on their claim. The presence of the foreman moulder from Dubin is one plece of evidence that the Soviet was not as spontaneous or as locally-limited as its appearance betokened. Further evidence was the statement of the Soviet's leader at the beginning of the occupation. He announced plans for taking over other industrial concerns in Drogheda and 3 foundries in Dublin, But the ultimate evidence for there being a rational scheme behind the Drogheda Foundry Soviet is the result of its defeat. Only 2 days afterwards, on 17th September, the Dublin Britch of the A.E.U., with 100 members, accepted the proposed wage reduction. The Irish Engineer ing Union held out longer. But, by the end of October, most of the engineers had recurned to work. political awakening on the part of the leadership of organised labour. It began to hold meetings In its own name, posing as an opposition even to the Republican status quo. Whether this was sincere or whether it was aimed to distract the militancy of its followers is uncertain. In prac lice, it helped towards the latter.

The first, and most dramatic, of these meetings was held at Bray on Sunday, 18th September.

The Red Flag flew and Thomas Fussen (the Secretary of the Dublin Workes Council demanded the Workers" Republic, hinting at dire consequences if it were not achieved. However.

Johnson urged that they were "por there to in.

cite riotous or vilent action", nad insisted on keeping within the limits set by Dail Eireann.

Two days later, at Clonmel, Cathal O'Shannon posed the demand of "the land for the péople" against that of "the land for the farmers".

Such agitation could aot destroy the objective cause of working class militancy, All it could do was keep the workers loyal to lenders who were not really prepared to lead them anywhere.

A few militants were moved by Labour's fallure to capitalise either on the rational, or op the cconomic & social struggles that they took over the small Socialist Party and turned it into the Communist Party of Ireland. But they were leaders, Irish Labour refused to face the question of state power, As a result, the vacuum was filled by the bourgeoisie. And thus, both the Republican & the Socialist struggles were be- D.R. O'Connor Lysaght Copyright PLOUGH

Pyotr Yakir on the fight for socialist democracy in the Soviet Union today In Review The Chronicle of Current Events. Issue 19, dated April 30, 1971. For three full years now, and going well into the fourth, the most broadly representative pub- Heation of the movement for socialist democracy in the Soviet Union, the Chronicle of Cur rent Events, has continued to come out every necond month. The nineteenth issue, dated April 30, 1971, has only now become avallable to us: unfortunately, clandestine conditions seem to make the four-month delay a not unusual occurrence.

The appearance of a twentieth Issue, dated June 1971, has also been reported, but we have not yet seen copies of it.

The regularity and continulty of this samizdat publication, the continued appearance of oppositional organizations of various hues, the ongoing struggles: oppressed nationel (8 Chronicie is now coming out in the Ukraine, and one dealing solely with the struggle of another Soviet Jews for the right to emigrate to Israela reaction to the denial of national and cultural rights by the Great Russian Kremlin bureaucracy) —all these are a sure sign that the protest movement in the USSR continues to rise.

The Kremlin bosses and their police apparatus do not feel it is safe now to resort to the kind of mass arrests used under Stalin. Thus they are unable to root out and expunge the movement as a whole. Irulead they pick off outatanding individuals and' particular groups. Such victimizatoms, however, tend in turn to arouse further proteste, while admittedly having an Intimidating effect on weaker or more timid elements around the oppositional movement.

The hardened caste of officials and administrators who have usurped power and privilege in the Soviet workers state are obviously unsure of themselves in the face of the growing politiealization of important sections of the population.

They diaplay peculiar inconsistency, a halfsurly heal- It is as though they sense a growing resentment over their bullying inctics but are determined to brazen through nevertheless.

An interesting assessment of the current stage of the movement for sociallet democracy is given In the following excerpts from Pyotr. Yakir's Open Letter of March 27. 1971, to the Twenty-fourth Congres of the Soviet Communist Party. These excerpts appeared in the listing of "New Samizdat Works" in the recently received issue No.

19 of the Chronicle. The translation, by Intercontinental Press, has omitted only the last excerpt — a paragraph in which Yakir lists eighteen prominent political prisonere (Including many in paycbiatrie prison-hospitals) and refers to "the many, many otbers." His own freedom of the moment be describes as a "drop of good fortune" in this sea of unhappy cases, The reason the KGB has not acted against him that he is in more decisive fashion is, of course, the son of General Ion Yakir, one of the top Red Magazines New French quarterly Army generals secretly tried and shot by Stalin on the eve of World War II. Stepe against anotber Yakir In 1971 might revive too many memories of the 1937 purge to be useful to the heirs of Stalin. .. In recent yeaze a dangerous tendency has made itself felt in the internal life of our country -toward a revival of Stalinist methods of rule and, in art and Iterature and in the writing of history and personal memors, toward a rehabilitation of Stalin himself, one of the grealest crim- Inals of the twentieth century. It is understandable that such a development suits the revenge- •- Д seeking Stalinista perfectly well. But isn't it also understandable and natural that 1l arouses the protents of those who warmly welcomed the "liqwidation of the consequences of the personality cuir? Isn't the alarm understandable that la felt by the many thousands over whom the shadow of that gloomy and cruel fanatie rears ibelf once again? Such alarm is felt by a very large part, if not the overwhelming majority, of our creative, sclentific, and technical intelligentala, by thousands of members of national minorities whose rights were trampled upon under Stalin and who still have not had them restored, and by many, many Critiques de l'Economie Politique (Critiques of Political Economyl. Editions F. Maspero, 1 Place Paul Painleve, Paris 5, France.

From Intercontinentol Press French revolutionary Marziem has scored a new success over both Stalinlat revisioniem and what Marx called the "vulgarity" of bourgeols pseudoscience. A quarterly theoretical magazine devored to politieal economy, launched at the end of laat year, bea moved to the forefront of publications of this kind. The flrat Issue of Critiques de l'Economie Politique (September-December 1970) took up the sublect of inflation, the second dealt with the crisis of the International monetary ayatem, and the third with the structure of underdevelopment.

The first two numbers were, of course, of exeptional timeliness. They were greeted not only by specialists In the field but also by hundreds of students, teachers, and workers who have become other citizens of the Soviet Union for whom the fate of the nation is not a matter of Indifference.

In the second half of the 1960s a food of letters, appeals, and declarations — individual and collective, on particular questione and on matters In general — poured into the offices of varlous party and government bodies. The crilical content of these documents was in the great majority of cases absolutely loyal One would naturally have expected that the leadership, which has proclaimed to all the world the complete and total "liquidation of the consequences" [of Stalin's cult], would explain reasonably and politely to its fellow citaens in what respects their criticiams were justifled or unjustified. Why. then, has the reply to criticism been, in the best of cases, silence; and at worst-legal prosecution and extrajudicial repression?

.. Polltical prisoners have reappesred in the camps. In paychlatric prison-hospitals once again we find the "mentally incompetent," for whom the chief proof of "being cured' is the abandonment of their beliefe and convictions. Publie confessione are once ngain demanded, and those who refuse to recant (and sometimes even those who do recant) are reduced in rank, or discharged from their work, or expelled from educational Institutions. The selectiveness, the "discrimination" employed, In exercising repression (for one and the same "crime," one person is given a reprimand at work, another da not botbered at all, and a third gets several years in a prison camp) only underscores the arbitrariness and illegality of the represslve What kind of method is it to reply to criticism with persecution? Whom does It serve? Is thin the way to demonstrate your correctness to your fetlow citizens and to the world? Will a monodthic ideological unity in our society really be achieved in this way? Why, this will only enlarge the bumber of the discontented, with no regard to how that discontent is to express steell.

Samirdat has appeared and stubbornly pereists.

Is this not a sign that the spiritual needs of the society are not being properly met? And l imprisonment for possession or production of samizdat materials really going to quench thie intellectual thirst? Why Is it that the Soviet film Andrei Rubiyou can be shown in France bat not in the Soviet Union? Why is it that foregn Communtats can read and admire Solzhenitsyn, while in the Soviet Union one can read only vidous arlices about him? •. Who would think of welting to the UN or appealing to world publie opinion if our own leadership had offered convincing answers to serious questions bothering serious people?

One la forced to conclude that political and philosophical disrent, even if it is loyal i regarded as a crime in our country, though it is not no stated.

- FROM INTERCONTINENTAL PRESS

"sensitized" on economics.

As the reception given to the pocketbook edillon of Ernest Mandel's Marrist Ecanomic Theory had already shown, • considerable public exlets for something better then the drivel put out by the Staliniate on the evildoings of the big monopolles.

(The French Communist party has lasued two volumes of a Manual of Political Economy " summarizing in a rather clever way the best background" articles writlen by the Stalinist economiets In the past period on "atate monopoly capitaliam.?)

The editor of Critiques de l'Economtie Politique Is Jecques Valler of the University of Nenterre.

The editorial board Includes various members of the Ligue Communete (the French section of the Fourth Internetlonal). It & publehed by Maapero.

Single coples are listed at 8.70 france (about $1.57) A one-year subecription can be obtained by sending 34 france (about $6.12) to Editions F. Maupero, 1 Place Paul Painlevé, Parla 5, France.

-JEAN RAVEL

Trotskyists suffer heavy casualties [The following statement was Issued September 26 by the United Secretar- Int of the Fourth International.] The United Secretariat of the Fourth International announces that the POR (Partido Obrero Revolutionary Workers party, the Bolivian section of the Fourth International suffered several dosen caaun)ties in the struggle against the coup led by General Banner and against new military regime. Some fell the on the field of battle; others were captured by the repressive forces and are in concentration camps. The repres sion has also fallen heavlly on other organizations operating in the name of the working class. Backed by Amerlean imperialiem and its agents in other Latin American countries, the "gorillas" In power are preparing to organize the most systematic and savage kind of extermination campaign.

The Bollvian proletariat bas experiinced a long series of barbaric man- Bolivian popular militia fought right-wing coup.

acres in its history. Once again this hreat hangs over it head, and more han ever it deserves international soldarity. The POR comrades understood pertectly well that a test of strength was nevitable in the near future.

hey took a realletic view of the relaonship of forces, in the military field above all, they had no lusions about he outcome. They made a considerible effort to prepare themselves for coming scoring Important test, galne in every arena. But these exertions could nof counterbalance the negative weight of the political and hillary deficiencies which persisted at mass level as a consequence the lack of any real stralegy for seizng power and waging armed struggle on the part of mont of the organize- Cons claiming to be socialint. At beat.

sene organizations did not go beyond spontanélet concept of insurrection.

Nonetheless. of the rightist d'etal and Enup the mass mobiletion, especially In La Paz and Santa Cruz, our comrades did not hesitate pate in the struggles with the forces hey bad at disposal. And so ay marched together with their class during Bolivian coup brothers, in the front ranks. Tomás Chambi, leader of the Independent Peasant Federation, fell in La Paz along with about fifteen of his com- In Santa Cruz, where the raGes. counterrevolutionary assault was particularly fierce, twenty comrades were killed: and wounded or missing POR members have yet to be accounted for. Comrades have been arrested in La Paz, Santa Cruz, and Oruro. They are now being held, along with all the other victims of the repression, in the prisons and concentration campe in the tropical jungle, including the one at Madidi, where conditions are reported to be particularly revolting.

Finally, leading comrades who survived and had begun the task of reorganizing the movement barely escaped capture by taking refuge in the embassy of a Latin American coun try (after being turned back by several other embassies), and are now in The POR comrades have written us as follows: "We are determined to continue our struggle and are in a more promising position than in the pant. Our forces have Increased in the recent period and new leading cadres have emerged.

They are already at work. We are Since most encouraged by the confidence that vanguard sectors have expressed This does oot mean that we do not find ourselves in a difficult poaltion. But revolutionists cannot ex pect the bourgeoisie to clear the way for them. Now we will fight. We prepared ourselves with such a perspective In mind."

The United Secretariat of the Fourth International paya homage to the hun of drede of workers. peasants. dents massacred in the tragic davs of August 1971. It pays homage to the Trotskylat militants who fell, own words, with their thoughts on the party and the International. The United Secretriat expresses it frater.

nal solidarity with all those suffering the prisons and the concentration who must be snatched from their bangmen campaign against the repression.

Long live the Bolivian class! Long Iive the POR!

the Fourth International!

torship was established under (1904-091 in October 1967. against imminent fascist rebellion.

and stu in their working Long live sticks of dynamite. Bolivia, the most politically unstable nation in the world has had 175 revolutions since it won Independence in 1825. In that year a dicta- Bolivar, who granted Catholicism a monopoly position within the state. He was ousted in 1828 by Santa Cruz (1828-39) who had conquered Peru, His protectorship of that country was recog nised by Britain, France and the U.S.A, Fearing such a concentration of power, Chile, Brazil, and Argentina attacked and ended the rule of Santa Cruz. For the remainder of the cen- Tury Bolivia was governed by demagogues who did little to improve her econamy. There were some Liberals, Pando (1899-1904) and Montes In the election of 1951, MNR (Movimiente Nacional Revolucionario) candidates Paz Estenposo and Siles polled 45%. Apprebensive, the army imposed military rule for 11 months. An MNR inspired revolt broke out in April 1952 ied by Labour leader Juan Lechin and bucked by tin miners and students. Paz seized the reins of government and ruled from 1952-56, and from 1960-61. He granted universal suf frage, (till then only literate males could vote) armed the peasants and nationalised the tin industry. As dictator Paz lost his allies and was ousted by Barrientos, a right-wing militarist whose theory was "They are Communists because of their stomachs, not their heads".

Che Guevara led the guerilla struggle against this regime, until ho was execured by the army 2) the MNR: The Torres regime was the synthesis of fascist revolt and workers counter-revolt in 1970. The right-wing President Ovando fell but the wor kens did not scize power. The C.P. (pro-Mos cow) the POR (Lora) (Trotskyists, split from Fourth International) the MNK and Lechin formed a Comando Politico which handed power to Torres, He assumed power unconditionaily. A popular assembly was established in June 1971 to support the Torres Regime The delegates were, 132 (6056) proletarian, 53 middle class, 23 peasant, and I1 for political parties The reason for the low numerical strength of the peasant delegation was the fact that the Irish Solidarity Demo in Melbourne Australia Independent Confederation of Bolivian Peasants was not supported by the majority of peasants.

The pro-Moscow CP and the POR (Lora) refused to give them delegates on the grounds that they are petty bourgeois. The Asserably consisted of reformist and counter-revolutionary trends The former was represented by the pro-Moscow CP and the POR (Lora), the latter, who tormed the majority. The pro-Moscow Cl and the POR (Lora) succeeded in keeping the POR Gonzales (Official Section of the Fourth International) out of the Assembly. The Assembly turned out to be nothing more than a debating chamber and when the fascist coup came, it still had not organised armed militias.

The fascist coup began in Santa Cruz when people involved in the coup were arrested. A protest followed which led to fighting between the left and right. The army in its usual role, cameout in favour of the richt wing. The worken demand for arms was refused by Torres.

The students and workers proceeded to arm themselves as best they could. Fighting began in La Paz headed hy Sanchez on the workers' side, and the Castrillo regiment it favour of the coup. The workers hick of arms made an easy victory for the regiment. The arrests and tortures began in which 40 revolutionary Trotskyists were masancred, The government of Bolivia is now in the hands of : I) the peasants who supported Barrentos, 3) the Falange, a right-wing party representing the interests of the landowners.

There is only one answer to the stuation not only in Bolivia but in the whole of Latin Amer ica, In the words of Errest Mandel "The huikling of an adequate revolutionary leadership of the proletsriat and semi proletariat of town and countryside, is the only way out of the impasse.

Ir is more than ever the central task. The strategy of armed struggle closely linked and incrensingly integrated with the mass movement in which a growing penetration must he assured; this is the only way to build this volutionary party in the prescot historical context of most of the Latin American countries."

Betty Purcell

UNEMPLOYMENT™

Under direct British rule Ireland did not develop a stable capitalist economy. The main reason for this was the fact that it suited big British basiness interests to restrict the growth of industry here and keep Ireland completely dependent ca supplying the English marker with cheap agricultural products. Since the foundation of the Irish "Free State", the representatives of big business here, have done their best to make Ireland a happy hanting ground for capitalism. But these efforts were doomed to failure from the very start.

Those who suffered from this inevitable failure were, not the international speculators and their Irish lackeys but the Irish working class.

The Free State has had a constant rate of unemployment (556) since its foundation. Unemployment levels would be far higher but fora constant stream of emigration to England and America. When the Fianna Fail party under Lemas, offi cially admitted the failure of Irish home grown capitalists to make a success of capitalism in Ireland and opened the doors to foreign speculators, with bribes of handsome tax concer sions and abundant cheap lahour, it had some effect, Numerous small factories sprung up.

British and American bosses wishing to cash in on the tax concessions and cheap labour.

opened subsidiaries here, usually to manufac ture small components, to be used in their large plants in the parent country. Light industries do not make for a healthy economy. Hea vy industry is an essential ingredient in a stable capitalist economy. The patriotism of Irish bosses obviously did not extend to their pockets, so they refused to invest in new heavy industry here which would have involved a long wait for returns, Inslend they invested abroad.

in a more secure faster paying schemes receiving £50,000,000 returns per annuri, The foreign investors were no more willing to invest In heavy inudstry here. The advent of foreign investment in light industry in Ireland was during the post-war boom; a boom made possible by mass destruction and the death of millions of workers an a war be tween different camps of monopoly capitalists.

Now the boom is over and capitalismi is sliding into another of its inevitahile crises, bosses are cutting back on their foreign investments in places like ireland and consolidating their posttions back home. The results of this can be seen in the amount of closures we read about in the papers every day. These speculators came here on the invitations of Fianna Fail, exploited our Jabour, and reaped the profits. Now when profits are threatened, they close up leaving hon sands of Irish workers on the streets.

unemolosed, 1953 This can be seen in the latest unemployment figures. There are now 4 milbons unemployed In America which is the highest since the war.

England has cow I million unemployed again the highest since the war and of course the Irish figures are soaring up again. Latest Statistacs show that there are nearly 80.000 now on the dale queues and thus does not allow for people who have left school and have never found work or housewives who need employment. Allowing for these people the figures would be well over the 100,000 mark, Suffice to point out that these figures amount to a 503 increase in unemployment in Ireland in the last five years. When you add to these figures the 20,000 that are forced to emigrate from Ireland yearly you get some idea of what the unemployment situation amounts to in terns of human suffering. And what is Flanna Fail doing about this rapidly In Belfast: shipprorkers on the dole.

worsening sination? The same as thoir partners in crime in all other capitalist countries of of the working class in order to maintain cheir profit levels and postpone the inevitable death agony of capitalism. In America we see the government backing up new anti-working class laws by calling out the National Guard to shoot down strikers during a dispute in the General Electric Company. In England we see the National Productivity Deat and new Trade Union laws. Here in Ireland we see the National Wage "Agreement"; Brennan's plan to take the dole away from all the workers which he only succeeded in taking from rural workers for the summer months ino doubt he will try again and harder this time) and new antitrade union laws under which it will he almost Impossible to start a new trade union, Fianna Fail will be in a far, better position to corrupt the trade union tops who have already sold out the workers by signing the national wage agreenient I this law is passed, workers will aot be able 1o leave their union if they become dissatisfied with it like the busmen did when they started the NUB. Fianna Fail bave admicted to 9% inflation last year, the national wage agrooment limits wages to 6%6 Therefore even those lucky enough, to have a job and to have won a wage rise from the bosses must in fact suffer a 55c drop in their stundard of living. There is no need to point out can we advance sod leave behind the system that the unemployed did not get any corespond- which relies on a reserve army of unemployed.

ing increase in their nuiserable pittance.

What should the unemployed de? To recent years Fianna Fail, accure in the knowleeee that the emigration ship skimmed off the most militant section of the unemployed, were able to keep the situation under control. Ireland's present crisis is obviously only part of a serious international crisis. This means that soon there will be no point in emigrating. As we have already seen the usual destinations for the Irish unemployed.

themselves have unemployment problems reaching crisis proportions. The Redundancy Payments Act a scheme which gives a small lump sum payment to workers made redundant after long services. is an obrious attempt to undermine the militancy of the workers and divide their sunks. Workers shoull not They viciously attack the living standards let this payment, which is only a fraction of the money robhed from them in the form of profits.

weaken their determination to fight unemploy- The unemployed should demand that the Trade Union movement use every weapon within it: power to fight for jobs for all.

Immediately that would mean a shorter working week for all, but it should not mean a reduction in wages for anybody. The Trade Union leaders must be made to fight to have the £21,000,000 profit which goes to the public companies each year shured out as extra wages. This could pay all the present unemployed more than E40 per week. Workers produce this money, workers should get it. Inevitably this fight for jobs for all must lead to a fight for workee control of the factories and all places of work. For only when the people own the means of production will they be used for the needs of the people and not for profit.

If the T.U. tops do not Figorously fight for these demands in the face of the rapidly worsenine stuation the unemployed themselves must be made ready to form conmittees to organise the fight themselves in cooperation with the rank and file of the T. U. Movement.

Only when the fight for workers control of the means of production Eas been fought and won Noel Hill PLOUCH Book Service For a wide selection of socialist literature including Mars, Engels.

Lenin, Trotsky and Connolly.

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