“The haste of the British Army to step up…”

The haste of the British Army to step up the pressure of repression against anti-imperialist militants in the North of Ireland was clearly exposed on Monday August 20th when the Belfast Magistrates’ Court refused to accept the evidence of British troops who had arrested two RMG militants following the months most successful anti-internment march.

This had followed the prosecution’s attempts to turn the cases into political showpieces in earlier opposing bail for the militants.

Four membegs c f the RMG, one sympathiser, and a member of People’s Democracy, who had acted as stewards at the August 1 1th‘march organised by the Political Hostages Release Committee (a joint action committee of which the RMG is a member), had been faced with trumped-up charges of riotous behaviour.

It was an obvious attempt to harrass organisers of mass protest in the North and followed a number of provocations during the course of the march itself.

Over 2,000 — dwarfing the NICRA demonstrations of the previous week, marched from Andersonstown and forced the British Army to close the main motorway route out of Belfast when they passed through back gardens and onto the M1 in an attempt to march to Long Kesh.

The march carried on for several miles despite regular stoning from Loyalist elements on overlooking hillsides, elements which were largely ignored by the strong British Army presence until stopped by an RUC Broad block backed by troops in riot gear.

After a meeting in which speakers from the RMG stressed the need for unily in fighting repression, the march turned back. But as it reached Andersonstown the British Army launched a series of provocations. and Sinn Fein (Provo)

custody, magistrate, a small riot resulted during which snatch squads arrested two stewards attempting to restore order, one a member of Peoples Democracy.

The main body of the march was forced to climb a fence and re-form at a neighbouring street, but at the head of the road it was again confronted by soldiers of the Black Watch waving batons. The British Army allowed the march to pass, then stopped it again, then lined the roadside and observed marchers as they were allowed to pass.

An hour after the dispersal of the march, fourRMG members were arrested by a mobile patrol of the Black Watch and taken in two armoured cars to the British Army Fort Monagh in Andersonstown, where they were kept and questioned for five hours before being transferred to the RUC and taken into The following day one RMG member appeared in court and was sentenced on the word of a member of the Black Watch, to six months reluctantly” suspended by the The five others were remanded in custody.

* 4 the unfettered control of Irish de re totter Ahelhaes a atheupted shir a) the wig rowardice, — anity, or rapine. In this supreme hour fit Over three months after the collapse of the Stormont Executive and the abandonment of Sunningdale the Dublin Government finds itself in @ very embarrassing position. This embarrassment has led to intense political wrangling within and between the three major perties and is preparing the way for e major political crisis. The silence of the past few months is only a calm before the storm.

Roots of collaboration Many people are asking why the Dublin government is dragging its heels with regard to the worsening situation in the North. Since the triumph of the Loyalist strike internment has been strengthened, British Army brutality has increased, the Loyalists have become immensely more confident and more stubborn. Still Cosgrave and his ministers refuse to comment The Dublin governments tardiness has nothing to do with concern for the safety of the Northern minority; the Northern minority is only a remote factor in its considerations. In fact what worries them most is the economic and political crisis facing Britain. This crisis not only limits the manoeuverability of British imperialism in the North, it puts 8 question mark over the future prospects of the South.

The Southern economy has been trying to avoid the stagnation and decline inherent in its subordination to British imperialism, by feeding off British capital and British markets. This means that as the British economy grinds to a halt, Ireland will be the first to feel the impact of de-acceleration. Beginning in 1970 there has been Los a noticeable drop in Britain’s share of foreign capital coming into Ireland. In 1970 it was as low as 22% and the following year it slumped to 4%. Compare this with an average of 40% for the sixties and the dangers for the South become immediately apperent.

Because of this the Southern ruling class is helpless to deal with the situation in the North. It knows that if it rocks the boat too much the Free State will get the worse dose of sea sickness. The leader: at Leinster House have been left naked by Britain's recent sharp turn but there is nothing they can do to hide their blushes. Any retaliation or show of discontent would make Ireland even less attractive to British business interests who are working above all, for secure outlets. So Cosgrave and company must suffer their humiliation in silence.

Working class pressure if Dublin is restricted te the right by Britain then it is under pressure to the left from the Southern working class.

Up to, during and after the UWC strike the Dublin government openly displayed its collaboration. Cosgrave declared that the struggle of the Northern minority “was killing the desire for unity” in the South, O’Brien renounced unification as a practical political goal and Fitz-Gerald hinted at moves to drop articles two and three from the constitution. The government knew it was treading on dangerous ground. It has still not forgotten the upsurge following Bloody Sunday. It knows that while there is wide-spread weariness with the struggle in the pives herald trac uUrpauon o » class, collaboration of the government.

British army activity in border areas.

Fianna Fail’s role an unlikely postibility. r Volunteers) and the Urish Citizen Army od ‘ having resolutely waited for the rig she now seizes that moment, and, Supported by her(@xile and by gallant allies in Europe, but relying in the first on her own strength, es itinies, to be sovereign and indefeasible. that right by alforeig® people and government has not exti right, nor can it ever be extinguished except by the destruction off every generation the Irish people have asserted their right to nation gage pledge our lives and the lives of our comrades-in-arms to the cause of I its citizens, and declares its resolve . s Opportune moment for the establishment of a elected by the sulfrages of all her men and women, the Provisional presentative of t Led, will administer the civil and military affairs of the under the proteetion of the Most High God, to sacrifiee themsetves fe by the readiness of its chi pro iT ¢ ” —THOMAG-J--CLARKE."Bsnonn de Valera North and an inability to grasp the complexity of the situation that any major betrayal would instantly arouse the indignation of the working Nor is the government unaware that up to many workers are employed in industries set up by foreign capital in the sixties. A huge proportion of these are British owned or controlled. Already many of these industries are beginning to close down. As this process becomes more generalised a large section of the working class will begin to see the exploitative and oppressive role of British imperialism. This practical experience will give 8 positive direction to the resentment and frustration generated through the betrayals and The success of the government's collaboration was dependent on Britain being able to bring about a superficial democratisation of the Northern statelet. But Britain has failed. The government is concerned with the growth of resentment in the South and is trying to tone down its collaboration. It withdrew from the security conference scheduled last August for London, it has refused the army permission to meet with the British army for discussion on cross border security, it has protested to the British government about Such a policy of toning down open collaboration with Britain combined with an offensive against Republican ideology might be sufficient to keep workers in check if the ruling class could tace tne crisis with united torces. But this is Since.the beginning of the Northern upsurge in '68 there has been bi-partisanship between Fianna Fail and Fine Gael. This signified a major turn within Fianna Fail. During the 30's and 40's F.F. represented the interests of small scale industry and business which was trying to build itself in opposition tq British competition. F.F. followed a demagogic anti-imperialist and pseudo-Republican policy during this period, but in the ‘50's this stratum experienced a severe crisis and during the ‘60s its tattered remnants sold out its economic interests and became junior partners with British imperialism. A correspondin change took place in FF’s political image when it became even more collaborationist than F.Gael.

This did not mean that FF automatically entered into the same relationship with British imperialism as did F.G. Within FF there remained a hard core of business interests guch as those in the construction industry (The Joneses, Mc! nerney etc.) which depend on the rapidly expanding economy fostered by British capital but is not itself directly dependent on British capital. This wing, lead by Haughey among others, naturally felt strong viz a viz British imperialism and tried to increase its own autonomy by pushing for a better deal from the British government. Although they suffered a set-back during the arms scandal, they remained strong within the party.

The existence of this force is putting the bi-partisan policy of FF-FG under considerable pressure. Lynch and his cohorts (Colley, Lenihan and Kennedy) do not want any friction with either F.G. or British imperialism. But within Fianna Fail they are threatened by the Haughey faction. Rather thar’ be outflanked by. Hauchew they are prepared to play Haughey’s game. Every time the government has tried to comfort Britain in its hour of need, Messrs. Colley, Leninhan and Kennedy have been quick to create @ minor scandal.

alk vital point they will take the decisions in their own sectional interests,

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Fianna Fail and Fine Gael

flag and strikes ised an ined fed her discipline, itself, ™ l strikes in full confidence of vi Capla We declare the right of the people oftireland)to th i

our en during the past three hundred yea ‘ arms. Standing o fundamental right and again as: of the world, we hereby proclaim the Irish.Republic as 0 welfare, and of xaltation among the/nations. rights and equal opportunities to

irki “aa 2,upon our arms, and we pray that no one who serves that to which it is called. . Tack Lynch_p_-u_REARSE,

the ‘happiness and prosperity of the 1 its parts, chastahtna al by an alien government, which have divided a minority from the majority in the past.

of ana UA- —FHOMAS—MacdONAGE Edward Heath —EAMONNCEAMNT,. - VEN Faulkner -

— Capita list eration makes no idealistic ruling elacs