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September 11th. dictatorship is surviving today because of the or revolutio Revolutionary Left. They are as follows: Differences emerging of 1974, this aid was marginal compared to the gg 1. ‘The junta will not fall as a result of its own collaboration of the two men wes extragnely lutte ieee working class have lost a leader, — close. Trotsky’s admiration for him was great: ves a mighty herigage. ublin 5. sense eesaseeesenee eocenecsecene snore Jadccosssyckeddrousancaees . MU September the 11th 1974 marks a year in the history of the Chilean junta, Twelve months ago, Pinochet and his generals launched a bloody coup which resulted in the overthrow of the Popular Unity government, the annihilation of thousands of trade-unionists and socialists and the establishment of a reattionary military dictatorship. Within that 12 months, however, the junta has not been very successful in co solidating its power nor in silencing opposition. During this time the junta has had many problems to deal with, not least its relationship with imperialism in its efforts to stabilise the Chilean economy.

Junta faces problems A close look at the junta reveals the small margin of economic and political manoeuver it has. This narrow margin has its origins in the base of support of the junta; which represents the interests of a section of big business whose needs are closely connected with those of American imperialism. The junta also had mass popular support from those layers of small businessmen, petty traders, shopkeepers and small land-owners, who previously had been inevitably squeezed by the attempts of Unidad Popular to implement reformist economic policies. Having real material interests in doing so, these layers gave their support to the bloody coup of Once the coup was accomplished, the differences began to emerge. The conflict of interests between big capital and imperialism and the native bourgeaise began to assert themselves. Obviously the juta, would enhance the interests of big caprtal it rethiessly pursued vanous economic polices designed to serve imperialism, lifting price restrictions, lowering wages and opening the way for increased foreign trade. The results of this, were to the detriment of the native and petty bourgeoise and increased competition among them.

The reflection of the discontent of these layers can be seen in the increasing conflicts between the junta and the Christian Democrats, the traditional representatives of the petty bourgeoise and small capitalists, which has now been banned from participating legally in political activity.

Imperialism lends a hand And what of the interests of large capital. The drastic measures, the junta has undertaken are a the formation of the American Communist Party of CHS. THORKYES eeeuaenant. he was one of its first leacers.

On a vist to Moscow on Comintern business he learnt of the real positions of-the Trotskyist opposition. Being a true internationalist and democratic centralist he joined the Trotskyist movement and remained with it till his death.

he especially valued his contributions on the building of proletarian parties.

During the second World War Cannon was imprisoned for his opposition to the intraimperialist war. His letters from prison provide a vivid guide to a Marxist education. 1922: James P. Cannon William (‘Big Bill’) Haywoow™ (right).

Striking werkers in-Santiago, the Chilean capital measure of its political weakness. The military Be external aid of imperialism. Until the early spring Struggle and resistance obtained loans from the I.M.F., the World Bank and the Inter-American bank which were worth more in the way of credit references than the loans themselves. There followed a whole series of investment governments from multi-national corporations of Japan, U.S., Canada, Germany, France, Rumania and Brazil. But to soothe the massive economic crisis wrecking Chile, the regime must continue to attract an uninterrupted flow of financial and increased investment.

To allow such a process to begin, certain conditions must be fulfilled. 1. The junta must be able to present a disciplined labour-force and convince imperialism of its economic and political control.

FOURTH INTERNATIONAL CANNON OBITUARY In the early Fifties he predicted the eventual James P. Cannon was , i opening of revolutionary opportunities during (The Wobblies), end then joined the Socialist radicalisation in the U.S.A.; and he always took 5 t ming a leader of its left wing. On a close interest in the progress of other sections In these days when the corruption of bourgeois politicians becomes moré and more apparent the life history of Cannon is a style to be emulated. We in Ireland can take. pride that Cannon was always proud of his Irish origins, though he never capitalised on them in the On Trotsky’s exile to Mexico the A ? i manner of his class enemies.

TWO MORE VICTIMS OF THE PERONIST REGIME Recent weeks have seen a wave of killings of Argentinian revolutionaries by the Peronist dictatorship.

Four militants of the Socialist Workers Party (PST), — comrades |. Fernandez, Moses, Mesa and Sida — were trutaily murdered.

Three militants of the Young Peronist movement — Liliana Ivanoff, Elsa Arganarez and Eduardo Romero — were also assassinated.

And after the death only ten days earlier of four comrades of the PRT (Revolutionary Workers Party), assassinated by the dictatorship under the pretext that they participated in the attack on the previous Minister of the Interior of the military regime, two comrades of the Red Faction have now been assassinated by the agents of the regime. Both Hugo Ricardo Drangosch and Miguel Angel Villa were beaten to death after being wounded by their attackers, — who were putting into Practice the instructions of their superiors to “Take no Prisoners!’"* In the face of this new and violent wave of repression, militant international solidarity with the Argentinian revolutionaries is more important than ever. real needs of the Chilean junta. Then, they Unconditional solidarity with the Chilean current.

influenced by the CP.

2. The ruling class in the countries lending ; support, must be able to participate in their It is important to note now, that it is pursuing activities without fear of scandal on the home- their own interests and are not a force capable front. of leading the working-class to freedom. Socialist Given these conditions, the struggles of the militants must not place any faith in their opposition the resistance, takes on an all-important attempts to lead the resistance. Because at every Notebook of an Agitator Letters from Prison Speeches to the Party Speeches for Socialism socks; meaning f ionaries everywhere. : :

resistance and the building of unified solidarity movements are the first duties of all revolutionary socialists. The work of solidarity should not cloud the urgent necessity to discuss the problems of the solidarity and unity of the Chilean resistance itself. It is a fact that there are deep differences between various wings of the resistance movement and these are crucial to the future of the movement itself. There are three main components in the opposition a. The Christian Democratic Party b. Sections of the Popular Unity, strongly c. Revolutionary Left, chiefly the M.I.R.

We have mentioned previously row the C.D. party has moved into the opposition camp.

BOOKS BY JAMES CANNON:

History of American Trotskyism The First Ten Years of American Communism The Struggle for a Proletarian Party Order from: PLOUGH BOOK SERVICE 38 Clanawley Road Hugo Ricardo Drangosch, who were assassinated at the end of July. The C.P. and the resistance The second component of the resistance is the C.P. The strategy outlined by the C.P. is for “an united front’’ of all “democratic forces” against the junta, to work towards a “national majority democratic and pluralist government” (L’Humanite 8 Jan. 1974). What is seen here is the C.P. ignoring the ability of the working class to organise independently and instead proposing a front with the leadership of the petty bourgeoise, the Christian Democrats who previously supported the coup. They juxtaposed to civil war i.e. armed struggle against the junta, the weapon of the General Strike, to take place inuw situation where the ruling regime exercises complete control over the repressive apparatus of the state!. The C.P. makes calls “to rely on the; democratic traditions of the army”’. By this they do not mean the rank and file, but the attempts to form an alliance with certain officers who change their allegiance as often as their All these alliances are conceived into a general strategy of resisting the junta. The crux of this Strategy is a return to “bourgeois-democracy” which in effect means persuading the bourgeoisie ‘that the working class is not seeking to impose its own control. In sharp contrast much of the efforts of the C.P. have been directed against the revolutionary Left which is accused of having provoked the coup. The provocation we can only assume means the defence of Allende against the Generals, by armed cordones which in many cases were led by the “extreme” left.

The implications of this strategy for the future of the resistance are obvious. The strategy of the Revolutionary Left to be completely in opposition to such a strategy. This can be seen from the basic ideas which have been agreed upon by groups such as the MIR, sections of the M.A.P.U. the Chilian Socialist Party and other smaller organisations which compose the economic and political problems.

. The struggle against the junta will only be successful under the armed leadership of the working class.

The overthrow of the military dictatorship is only a phase in the struggle of the Socialist revolution.

Conclusion While there is a broad basis fgr unity in action among large sections of the European left on campaigns against the junta (as in Britain) and for support to refugees and political prisoners, there are clear differences as to the corrupt strategy for the resistance movement. It is therefore itnportant to openly discuss all these questigns. It is only through an honest debaje on the politics and strategies of the resistange movement that our material aid and solidarity will be most effective. :

REVOLUTIONARY MARXIST GROUP ! would like more infor: mation about the RMG and its activities.

ADDRESS ........cccsescecsenee sas onnies pvabesauaadssteg

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ddiial aememt teen wabor His oa is 0 \ime of MoCarthyite repression. A consletent the story of the American revolutionary nary Sulton, =~ ete his party to its present movement. He was a member of the 1.W.W. position im the ront of tlimourrent

The Argentinian regime has unleashed a wave of fierce repression in face of the growing class conflict. Among its latest victims are two members of the former Red Fraction of the PRT/ERP (now the Revolutionary Communist League), Miguel Angel Villa (left) and

38 Clanawly Rodd. DUBLIN $