American II be

Nissems by 58% Fords by 66% Toyota by 83% British Leyland lost £16.5 million before taxes in the 6 month period ending March 31st 1974, compared with £22.8 million profit registered in the previous comparable period; Fiat found itself in the red and Citroen narrowly avoided bankruptcy The problem of market saturation has also added to the crisis. The annual growth rate for the total number of vehicles, has dropped in many European countries by several per cent. Current production is increasingly limited to meeting needs for replacement. It tends less and less to increase the number of cars:ih general. This could only be widely changed if the real income of the more poorly paid, strata of working people rose significantly or if automobile prices dropped The current general recession throughout the Western capitalist economy has also had its specific effects on the car industry. The high rise in oil prices has made it more difficult for car-owners to continue running a car, particularly these of the lowest income group of car owners i.e. skitled, semi-skilled, white-collar workers. Other features such as the deflationary policies of the various governments in Europe, which leads inevitably to massive unemployment, greater wage restrant and severe credit restriction are huge deterrents to prospective car-buyers, THE PLOUGH — PAGE 2

The continuirlg wave of sectarian killings and attacks is a direct attempt linked with the high level of repression in the ghettoes — to smash the resistance against British Imperialist strategy of a return to Stormont. A major aspect of the hand-over to Loyalism is the process of ‘Ulsterisation’; in less - euphemistic terms this means the official arming of the paramilitary organisations and .their incorporation into the repressive machinery of the state. The RUC is now being equipped with armoured vehicles and' there is mass recruitment into the UDR and the RUC Reserves from Loyalist organisations.

Despite the historic role which the RUC have played as the (official) armed wing of the Northern state ever since partition, ‘including their vicious attacks on the Catholic ghettoes of Belfast and Derry in 1969, the Catholic middle classes had their view expressed the other day by Fitt and a member of the Catholic hierarchy — Dr. Philbin. Fitt called for a return of the RUC, to the ghettoes to protect the Catholic population from the Loyalist murder squads. The assassinations are a method of blackmailing the minority into acceptance of the RUC and Fitt is playing the British strategy right down the line. However the SDLP quickly realised that a call of this adture without even the transparent facade of demanding a restructured police force could lead to them losing what credibility they do have among the anti-unionist working class. Consequently Hume made a speech reverting to the old line of a police force representative of the community. The ‘Irish Times’ succinctly described Hume’s speech as being”’. . . . in stark contrast to recent appeals from the SDLP leader Gerry Fitt and the Bishop of Down and Conor Dr. Philhin.”

‘The car industry in Ireland From this basic outline of the overall crisis in the car industry, we can build a picture of the problems of the Irish situation and see how the collapse of the trish car industry fits into an overall framework.

Established in 1933, the assembly plants here were protected by snecial tariffc tn ansiure the economic viability of these Irish subsidiaries against zttemptes by the big motor corporations to distribute cars directly in lreland. The introduction of Free Trade, with |reland’s entry into the EEC has meant the elimination of these tariffs and the motor corporations are now able to go ahead with their plans to change the Irish car industry from assembly to distribution.

In many of the larger plants in the South the number of already assembled vehicles imported has increased. Figures from the Central Statistics Office for the period 1971/1972 show that the increase was 7%. We can reasonably assume that this figure has increased for 1973/1974.

As far back as 1962 this situation was foreseen by both Fianna Fail government and the trade union leadership. A report issued at that time by the ‘‘Committee on Industrial Relations” (a committee including members of the trade union movement) on the future of the car assembly industry stated:

“It can be taken therefore that it is a virtually unanimous view of the industry that motor assembly in this country will cease under free trade”

and that “the only hope seen in the trade for the continuation of the assembly is government intervention’.

Twelve years have passed and absolutely no aid has been given to save the industry.

The car industry is one of the largest employers in the industrial séctor, in fact the seventh biggest.

Approximately 7,000 workers are engaged in the industry. In the next two years up to 2,500 workers will be immediately affected by the “ rationalisation’ of the industry. This ultimately means the closure of the assembly plants. In one, already 130 workers have been “'*termporarily” laid off.

No market The large motor companies have been saying that Contradictions The confusion shown by the SDLP over what line they should take over the assassination is symptomatic of their precarious position as a group with a political future within a Northern Ireland which is returning to a pre-1968 set-up. The class interest of the SDLP is to get democratic rights and equal opportunity for the middle-class Catholic elements, but it can only hope to achieve this by getting mass support from the anti-unionist working class, which means making militant sounds; simultaneously they are tying to win respectability to gain acceptance throughout the unionist sections of the middle-class. This has led in the past year to very reactionary positions on the rent and rates strike, the death of Michael Gaughan, the Price Sisters, the ending of internment and now the idea of a return to the R.U.C.

the crisis in the Irish car industry has arisen not because of their rationalisation plans but because of a fall-off in market demand. As we have shown above there has been an international slump in car sales. But this argument doesn’t fit the Irish situation. For example, in America there is one car for every 2.2 persons while in Ireland the ratio is One car for every 6.75. So there is great scope for expanding the Irish market even while the international market is shrinking.

As far as the market area for car-sales in Ireland is concerned, a report from the Central Bank (Autumn 1974) ts a good indication to the real situation. While on a year to year basis, new cars registrations were down by -13.7%, On a quarter to - quarter basis, for the third quafter of 1974, registrations rose by almost 25%. This is a good indication that the demand for cars exists, despite all the other problems outlined.

The underlying basis of the decline in Ireland is the relationship of the Irish assembly plants to the rest of Europe. The profitability of maintaining Plants in the outlying and underdeveloped countries such as Ireland is no longer guaranteed.

Technically backward, in comparison to its competitors, the Irish plants are one of the first areas to be included in the major motor corporations plans of rationalisation. For example, what a European subsidiary of General Motors can produce with 30,000 workers, an American plan can Produce with 7,000 workers. As far as the employers are concerned, with the Jow level of production here, the needs of the Irish market aan be satisfied with — increased importation under a schemé of rationalisation.

Car industry must be retained The arguement that the car assembly plants cannot be maintained is fallacious, There is a definite :

demand on the trish market. The problem exists in”

maintaining the econgmic viability of the industry and the employment Of several thousand workers.

The demand to nationalise the industry must be Placed on the government. [t must be impelled to intervene to retain the industry, by direct subsidisation and the establishment ot special tariffs to protect it. The involvement of successive countries in the EEC has never prevented them from real perspective for growth, Loyalism and the obvious recourse of the totally outflanked. The SDLP can only gain ly start losing strength because they act as a middle class. are concerned. Consequently the objective destroyed by themselves.

Dangerous class. rts A closer look at the SDLP shows that it is a totally aj] anti-imperialist groups unite to prepare the way.

regulations’.

employed were immediately re-employed Leadership is vital will encourage a strong response.

provide many lessons for the future.

ANNE SPEED parasilic organisation which becatise 1U 1s caught up in the paravon of the 6 county siatelet has no — The future for the minority is one of increasing ‘repression from the Kinish Army and the forces of anti-Unionist working class Is to prepare for defence against this, which means that the SDLP will be strength when the forces of Loyalism and unionism’ are weak, but if these forces are weak then the anti-imperialist forces must be correspondingly strong, which means that the SDLP can only get any where on the back of working class ypsurges. The paradoxical thing is that as soon as fhe SDLP Sunday. get anywhere in terms of credibility they immediate brake on the anti-imperialist forces, by putting forward ideas which are concerned with creating . 'the optimal conditions for the “lowering of the They do not wish to support the anti-imperialist struggle itself — which means the smashing of the o county statelet — as this would mean the question of socialism would be directly raised which is directly against their class interests. Because they act as a brake on the struggle the forces of Loyalism Brigade. are able to regroup and the question of defence is then posed as far as the anti-unionist population conditions which allowed the SDLP to develop as Long Kesh. an adjunct to the national struggle are partly It is for these reasons that the SDLP are a very dangerous threat to the anti-unionist working In the coming period the tasks of the anti-imperialists are quite clear. They must unite to regain leadership of the mass movement by showing the way forward, and this is the political prominence. and physical preparation of the ghettoes-for defence against the return to protestant ascendancy. The upsurge around the burning of Long Kesh shows that the will to resist is still there, it is therefore inconceivable that the return to Stormont and others. will happen without resistance. The strength of the resistance relates directly to the amount of ‘preparation, so it is of VITAL IMPORTANCE that determining their own interests, so workers should not be put off with warnings of ‘‘community This is the only real alternative, the only real solution. Compare this perspective with official policy of the trade union leadership within the industry, particularly of the 1TGWU and the ATGWU. Strong promises of a hard fight 12 months __ ago have given way to virtual inactivity. The trump card for these gentlemen is the policy of “‘job for job’, which in effect is a totally defeatist policy. Even if they were prepared to prevent the closure of any assembly plants, until all these elsewhere (which they are not) this perspective concerned.”

completely side-steps the issue of the retention of the industry and the current level of employment.

For it is quite obvious, that the industry will be fully rationalised, that is it will contract and the level of employment intended will be mu ch lower.

“Itis patently clear that the trade union leadership has offered no direct challenge against the threatened closures. The only real response has come from the shop floor. Up to now this response has FRANK been fairly weak and limited in its thrust. The Cat’ Workers Action Committee could become a focal point for many workers threatened with redundancy. But its credibility depends on the alternative it presents and the action it undertakes to back these alternatives up. Direct action is vitally necessary to eliminate the apathy and confusion of many car workers. A strong lead The developments of a struggle by the car workers will be of,great importance to other threatened industrial workers. Traditionally, these have been one Of the strongest and most militant sections; they headed several protests against treland’s entry into the EEC; on the introduction of internment in the North, they marched out of the plants in protest; they also lead the rise on the strike charts in 1970. Their struggles can | COLLABORATORS] ~ At the ‘Irish Press’ London Office, we hear that the large colour poster of Tory leader Edward Heath, which adorned the editorial office during the British Election has been removed.

This is not because it was thought that an office of the ‘Irish Press’ (Do cum Gloire De agus Onora na hEireann) was a strange place to hang the picture of the man who gave the order for Bloody It appears that the walls are being repainted.

SURPRISE FOR BRENDAN When news of the Provo mass break-out from Portlaoise Prison hit London, the new ‘Independent Radio News’ — “the first with the news’’ — whose correspondents include some of the more notorious of the Cruiser’s hacks, informed its listeners that among the batch of prisoners to escape was Brendan Hughes, the former O/C of the Provos’ Belfast This news came as something of a surprise to Brendan, who was at that moment reading the Sunday newspapers while sitting on his bunk in PLAIN SAILING FOR THE CRUISER?

Some of Conor Cruise O’Brien’s colleagues are a little worried that they may have a megalomaniac on their hands. The worried ones are those who have some faith in the Labour Party being able to advance the interests of the working class. They see in the Cruiser a man who regards the working class support for the Labour Party as one of the rungs on his Irish ladder to international But others are tar trom upset about his performance. It wasn’t the cold weather that had the deepest blue Fine Gaelers rubbing the Labour movement.”

Like a rope supports a hanging man, perhaps? RTE: BLUE SHIRTS AND BROWN TONGUES!

Even after Watergate, absurd statements by government officials and the like still have the power to amaze.

A fine example was provided by RTE the other day, in relation to the inquiry into the “7 Days’ programme on internment and the disciplinary action on the producers.

“The management”, reported the Irish Times (Oct. 31st), “has strongly denied that the inquiry was in any way influenced by the *displeasure of the Minister for Posts and Telegraphs, Dr. O’Brien, at the programme Whoever issued that denial is in the wrong job; they should be writing comedy scripts.

But seriously, the message is coming through loud and clear from the Cruiser. RTE is the State’s broadcasting service; any programme on a -controversial topic must take the line of government policy; where there is no government policy, British policy is the line to be taken.

In fact, the order of the day in RTE is “Blue Shirts and Brown Tongues.’™ REVOLUTIONARY MARXIST GROUP ! would like more infor. mation about the RMG and its activities see eeeccensneesecevedecoooavecooose ADDRESS ......... ibys aoa ieee seicbieaen can _THE PLOUGH — PAGE 3

° A new phase of the class struggle in Ireland &) has opened in the South. After successfully slowing down the growth of wage increases by means of three national wage agreements, the government and employers are getting ready to limit wage increases to the same rise as the increase in prices. By doing this they hope to retain the full benefit of increased production not for those who produce but for those who own capital.

While workers patiently bore the brunt of wage restraints for the past three or four years, they are now beginning to show their resentment. For the first time since the dramatic decline of the strike wave in 1970 there is evidence of a new resurgence. The number of work days lost in strikes in the first half of this year alone equalled the number of work-days lost in the previous two years combined. This upsurge has been marked by a new militancy that has seen .the introduction of more combative methods of struggle such as occupations amd embargos. The force of this latest strike wave can be gauged from the fact that while the first two National Wage Agreements were strictly adhered to, the third Agreement has been breached at least half a dozen times since its acceptance a few months ago.

Under the impact of this new combativity the employers’ plans for the future have been put in jeopardy, Their only hope of salvation at this point is to deepen their collaboration with the leaders ot the Trade Union movement. This means going a step further from voluntary National Wage Agreements to a more comprehensive ‘‘social contract’ which would be backed up by legal punishment for workers who do not abide by it. But it is only through the closest co-operation with the big bureaucrats in the Trade Unions that this project could be carried out.

The trade union leaders themselves are playing a double game. Because of the feeling among rank and file trade unionists they cannot come out immediately and directly with acceptance of the employers proposals, They must convince ordinary workers that any deal that is made on their terms is the best possible deal for workers. So they make’ disapproving noises towards the government and employers. For example,.after the Federated Union of Employers hinted that its members would not implement the threshold clause of the 3rd National Wage Agreement the union leaders issued a strong warning. Again, after the recent Labour Party Conference, Michael Mullens of the 1TGWU slammed the Labour Party leadership and denounced the economic policy of the National Coalition.

THE PLOUGH — PAGE 4 But behind this verbal war, the trade union leaders are getting ready to sell-out. it wasn’t today or yesterday that the idea of collaboration arose.

The preparations for ‘‘incorporating” the trade unions into the legal framework, of the state have been going on for years. The history. of these . Preparations is the best exposure of the current .

“‘leftaving’’ phrasemongering of the trade union bureaucrats and it also reveals what the true objectives of the ‘‘social-contract’’ will be.

Behind the collaboration Since the Second World War there has been a tendency towards the creation of a permanent organisational framework or set of institutions within which agreement can be reached between the trade union bureaucrats and the employers without too much friction. Through these organisations the bureaucracy shakes off the control of the rank and file and subjects the trade unions to the interests af capitalism. Since the 1940s the trade unions have become involved in over twenty Joint Labour Committees (covering all major industries) comprised of trade union officials, employers, representatives, and usually a representative of the state, who decide on the general terms of employment in the industries concerned. The bureaucracy has also become involved with the employers and state in a host of other on-going bodies, which attempt to regulate the relations between Labour and Capital, such as the National Industrial Economic Council, the Irish National Productivity Committee, the Committee of Industrial Progress, An Foras Forbartha etc.

The most important thing to note here, for the moment, is that the Employer Labour Conference and the recent National Economic and Social Council, through which it is hoped to negotiate amore general social contract are the most significant products of this post-war process. Without these a general restriction on wages would be difficult and there would be no hope of withstanding the present, deepening recession.

The government and the employers realised this from an early date. From the time they began to re-orientate their economic policy in the late ‘50s they understood that extremely close collaboration with the trade union bureaucracy was necessary if they were going to succeed. The First Programme for Economic Expansion stressed that “The success of any policy of economic development will depend on the effective and continuous co-operation of the trade unions in promoting increased productivity and in avoiding increases in wages and salaries”. The NIEC Report No. 27 pointed out that the national wage agreements depended on “an explicit committment by the government, the Irish Employers Confederation and the ICTU to exercise their particular respponsibility fully towards creating the general understanding and environment in which an incomes and prices policy would have reasonable prospects {CFO The struggle for success NLMC. were without official sanction. of success’, The main burden of responsibility was however placed on the trade unions. Hardly aword was said about the government or employers. But a number of ‘’skort-comings’”’ of the unions.were brought to the notice of the bureaucracy for ‘‘urgent attention’.

Among these was the fact that “‘the present trade union structure tends to keep attention focused on maintaining existing wage and salary relativities and differentials rather than on reaching concensus on what these should be”.

The democracy of the unions was also assailed. “Furthermore” said the report “the emphasis on democracy at all levels within trade unions... frequently makes interna! communications cumbersome and decision-making difficult.” The sad outcome was that the top bureaucrats and chief collaborators “representing the trade union movement as a whole, cannot impose (!) its views on affiliated unions (of the Another noticable “‘short-coming’ according to the NIEC report was the emphasis placed on wages. ‘‘In some cases” the report euphemistically lamented ‘there tends to|be insufficient concern with non-wage questions and issues within the place of employment”. Put another way, the NIEC was in favour of the unions becoming social rather than economic organs of the workers. Although there was already a high degree of collaboration with the employers, the bureaucracy was unable to move immediately to correct such economy. “‘defects’’. Moves towards a Nationa/ Labour Management Conference were set in motion in 1961, Attempts were made at that time to impose a wage freeze but resistance was too strong. As the pro-establishment economist David O'Mahony noted “Congress found the suggestion unacceptable in view of pressure from the members of its affiliated unions for wage increases which made it impossible for the unions to accept or implement a wages formula and so the matter was dropped’’ /Economic Aspects of Industrial Relations]. The following year the bureaucracy withdrew altogether from the While the process of incorporation was slowed down it was not reversed. The bureaucracy still continued to collaborate with capitalist society through other joint bodies and of course continued to accept appointments to the Labour Courts. At the same time the rank and file struggled on.

The sixties saw the greatest strike wave in Irish history. A graph of the days lost per worker through strikes during the first four years of the decadé shows that there was a massive explosion in the economic struggle. From 1964 to 1967 a decline set in. But from 1967 to 1970 the strike wave rose in an unbroken climb to an alt time high in 1970. During this latter phase the struggle went out of control. Unofficial actions became very popular and in 1968 over 40% of disputes The government, employers and bureaucrats realised that a real challange was posed by this build-up. At the same time they understood the weariness of the workers and the weak points of the strike wave. The role of the industrial labour force — the backbone of the working class — was beginning to decline, In the new upsurge it accounted for 44% of workers involved in disputes and 36% of days lost. In addition, apart from the exceptional year of 1969 (which was swelled by lock-outs owing to the Maintenance men dispute) the overall number of workers involved in disputes was declining even on the previous period of ebb tide.

Anxious about the acceleration of the strike wave and aware of its limitations the bureaucracy decided to act without further delay. The first step in this direction was taken when the “two-tier” picketing system with the aim of abolishing the independence and initiative of shop-floor militants, was introduced. Once this had been implemented and tested further steps were taken to revive the old National Labour Management Conference under the new title of the Employer-Labour Conference. The E-LC was set up in accordance with the recommendation of the NIEC (largely an employer and state body with asmall minority of trade union representatives) to carry out the guidelines of an incomes policy layed down by the NIEC itself.

Thé establishment of E-LC in May ‘70 brought the collaboration between the trade union bureaucracy and employers to a new level, The » bureaucracy not only agreed to negotiate on the ‘ NIEC’s terms but also to enforce these terms. Thus according to the NIEC Report No. 27 the E-LC “should not only give practical interpretation to the NIEC guide-line but should also help materially to bring most wage and salary developments into line with the guide line so amplified’. Put another way, the bureaucracy was enabled to go beyond its two-tier picket system and under all the National Wage Agreements has undertaken to deny union sanction to any strike against the terms laid down by the E-LC.

A new phase The signing of the first wage agreement saw the highest climax of bureaucracy-employer collaboration in the history of the Irish trade union movement and a new phase in the bureaucracies integration into capitalist society. Now a new and higher phase is being prepared.

This new phase began after the ICTU annual Congress last year when the National Economic and Social Council was set up. The NESC differs from the Employer-Labour Conference in that it represents not only the industrial big business sector but that it also includes the big farmers representatives, especially the Irish Farmers Association. The N.E.S.C. differs from the E-LC also in that its purpose is not only to plan wage restrictions but to plan for the whole Although the government is not directly represented on the N.E.S.C. and although the N.E.S.C. Has no legal stature, the government intends to use it as a weapon in its fight against the workers, It is also clear that some form of legislation that would bind workers and employers together, is on its way. On October the 24th for instance, the Minister for Finance Mr. Ryan, met with members of the NESC to discuss ways and means of curbing inflation, At a gathering of the Dublin Chamber of Commerce the following day, he announced his intention of having further, links with this ““to establish an independent commission to examine the legal and institutional framework of industrial relations and recommend improvements’ “They also said ominously that the trade unions support would be sought for such ‘improvements’. The improvements envisaged by the F.U,E. are no doubt along the lines recommended by the N.1.E.C. report ie, the elimination of democracy etc. This approach was further underlined by the Autumn Central Bank Report which placed the comprehensive planning goals of the N.E.S.C. at the centre of any proposal for keeping the economy intact during the current recession.

RMG TRADE UNION CAUCUS

In the fight against the latest attack of the government and employers on the working class the bureaucratic leaders of the trade

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their hands ager his attack on Mary Robinson “But”, said a Labour supporter, “‘he supports

38 Clanawly Rodd. DUBLIN §

body. And the F.U.E -after its nesotiations with the government last September called on them