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to win the Loyalists to their political rag-bag; but despite superficial signs the Protestant organisations are not essentially anti-working class.

But the UDA and Craig’s mass rallies recall fascism not only bécause of superficial resemblances but also because of their obvious counter-revolutionary. character. It is not a case of saying that-these forces do not represent fascism, therefore the working class need not oppose them. They must be opposed, but if they are misunderstood they will not be fought in the right ways, To call them fascist is to divert our attention from their real nature and how they can be fought.

It is extremely important to avoid confused ideas, precisely because the main task does not lie in’a struggle against fascism, but in one against imperialism and a really threatening ‘strong state.’ Our fight is not against Protestant organisations per se, but against British Imperialism, and the extent to which these organisations support and strengthen British Imperialism. It is especially important to realise this now, when thte differences and splits in the ‘Orange Monolith’ have opened up the possiWhile this mistake of the Officials concerning the inter-relation of the Catholic and Protestant working class must be criticised strongly, - it should also be emphasised that it is an inevitable mistake which should be criticised and corrected in that context: That is to say, the failure to understand the nature of the _ divisions-between thé two communities is an historical failure of the Irish revolutionary tradition, and is not confined merely to the Officials or any individuals within it. What is called for, therefore, is an effort to show what historical forces have moulded the revolutionary consciousness in Ireland and an examination of those historical forces today.

REPUBLICANISM The Republican tradition in Ireland was born and shaped at the beginning of the eighteenth century, This period in Irish history was ‘marked by the rise of a middle class in the Protestant planter community. This new middle class soon clashed with the mercantile interests of the mother country — Britain — and also of course with the interests of the Protestant landed aristocracy within the planter community which was the main bulwark of Britain’s interests in Ireland:

In and by itself, the new Protestant middle -class was incapable of challenging the might of its opponents. Initially their political move, Theobald Wolfe Tone bility for the Protestant working class to begin to break from the Orange bourgeoisie.

OUR OPPORTUNITY The split in the Orange bourgeoisie, apparent since Faulkner came to power in 1969, and deepened by direct rule, has had its effects already in the Protestant rank and file. The hegemony over the working class that the Unionists have atways banked on is now by no means assured.

The formation of the UVF and the support for Paisley from 1966-1969 was the traditional gut reaction. But by August 1971 and the formation of the UDA the situation had changed in three ways:

1. It was initiated from the rank and file.

2. The-currents running through the UDA were not homogeneous and varied from ultra-nationalism and racism to embry onic interest in socialism.

3. The bourgeoisie’s bid to draw the Protestant working class back as David Bolton puts it, ‘under the frayed but familiar skirts of official unionism,’ led by Craig, was by no means assured, and was fought, if unsuccessfully.

Siroceo factory, be — an organising base for LAW any significant ‘mies on the political situation ment, the Unite men, was-unable to make in Ireland. But.the great social and economic discontent of the Irish Catholic peasantry, which was suffering undet the heel of the Anglican aristocracy, suggested away forward to them. They realised that tHe disaffection of the Catholic masses‘could be used as. a lever. against the aristocracy and ultimately against Britain.

A fusion of the Catholic peasantry and the Protestant middle class was effected at a practical level by the absorption of the secret Catholic agrarian societies, the Defenders, into the United Irishmen. And this organisational _ bond was strengthened by the formulation of a new national creed, which proclaimed the suppression of religious animosity in the name of a new spirit of solidarity. In the famous words of Wolfe Tone, the aim of the United Irishmen was to: ‘abolish the memory: of all past dissénsions, and to substitute the common name of Irishmen in place of the denominations -of Protestant, Catholic and Dissenter.’ Such were the conditions and circumstances under. which the idea first arose that the Protestant planter community had been assimilated into the historic Irish nation. From this period dates the concept-of the relationship between Catholic and Protestant communities which lies subconsciously behind the present strategy of the Officials. At the time, of _gourse, this idea was a progressive and potent EVOLUTION Protéstant community after 1798, Orangeism. Craig at mass loyalist <5 after announcement of direct rule.

During the next period, as the: White Paper strategy breaks down and the inability of Craig and co. to do anything material for the Protestant working class is revealed, revoluworking class, and be prepared to drive further wedges in the cracks which will hasten the end of Orangeism.

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