How Corporation Workers Were Defeated

This article is based on an interview with a striking militant of the A.U_E.W. in the recent Corporation strike at Stanley Street. When the strike of Corporation workers ended, there were in reality only forty men still holding out, Members of the Vehicle Builders Union, the Sheet Metal Workers Union and the A.U.E.W.

had been on strike since the 13th of February, exactly 9 week.s The 9 other unions had agreed by an aggregate vote to accept the deal offered by the Corporation. The militants remaining on strike had decided “in the interests of trade unionism and solidarity” to return themselves. As far as these men were concerned the holding of an aggregate vote was a tactic (by the T.U. Officials involved) to draw in even those who were scabbjng on the strike and use them in the vote against the militants As the strike progressed, the T.U. officials were extremely anxious to end it, so in contrast to the first two offers, where ALL the unions woted individually, they called for an aggregate vote on the 3rd Offer. It is obvious in whose interests the aggregate vote was!

The role of the T.U. officials was scathingly outlined to us by some of the men involved in the strike. “If the union officials put as much energy into fight'ng the management for the mens claim, as they did trying to fight and put down the militants on strike; i.e. through an aggregate vote, then the men on strike could have won their claim”.

As far as these strikers are concerned, the strike was an embarrassment to the officials, many of whom “have perks with the job”. It would not do for the executive of Congress to be upset or displeased with these officials. Particularly criticised were the executives of the N.E.E.T.U. and the E.T.U., who went “to get their knuckles rapped” (to Congress) and returned to the men, helpless with an ultimatum — return to work! Now! The executives of these unions, the men claimed, were playing a wait and see game. Not wishing to pursue a course directly contrary to the wishes of Congress, they did not want to put themselves out of favour with the strikers. The main priority of these T.U. officials, of most of the unions was ‘‘to get the strikers back to work, thereby suting the needs of the management and not the men, they collaborated, not negotiated with the bosses; the right of the men to better wages, was never their main interest’

Out of ONE union ALONE, 60 men went sick, during the strike! The initial strikers estimate, roughly that there were about 400 workers scabbing directly and 250 who went “sick”. This is extremely annoying in view of the fact that the sacrifice of 350 men, secured a deal that benefits the whole 1000 men.

When asked about the type of picketing they undertook, the strikers, drew attention to the structure of the Corporation depots i.e. the fact that there are about 1000 doors to be covered. Vaster areas could have been covered had they the pickets. On Ballymun in particular, they assert, was a legitimate place to picket, it isa place of WORK. The pickets were lifted at the request of the tenants associations, but subsequently the strikers found that private trucks were breaking the strike by removing rubbish heaps etc. An unofficial agreement between the tenants and the pickets that they the tenants would march to City Hall in support of the strike was never carried out, thus leaving the pickets quite bitter.

The strike culminated with the acceptance of an new pay scale, to be paid fortnightly to the workers. No measures of increased productivity were agreed to. The new scale was not the same as the ESB workers scale, which formed the claim, but was considered a general improvement.

The strikers are grateful for the assistance of the Dublin Shop Stewards Committee, but consider it could have been stronger in terms of greater collections etc. However they are extremely critical of those “who passed the unofficial pickets initially, who are known to be members of organisations supposedly formed in the interests of the working class; where does the loyalty of these workers lie when the acid test comes, they scab!.”

What the account of the strike seen through the eyes of these men clearly shows is the scandelous role of the trade union bureaucrats and of the Irish Congress of Trade Unions who urged workers to pass pickets. Justifying their directives by a reference to the two-tier ‘ picket system and the whole national wage agreement, they are in fact carrying the logic of such agreements to their logical conclusions — complete refusal to fight against the employers in defence of the workers interests, The course of this strike, the ultimate isolation of the initial strikers, clearly proves the absolute necessity for real and active solidarity not just pious platitudes. Solidarity across the trade union movement will strengthen the struggle of the rank and file against both the bureaucrats and the employers.