Behind Them A Social Force Powerful Enough To Overthrow Imperialism And Its Capitalist Allies In Ireland

monotonous rythem of capitalist production itself which is largely responsible for assimulating the working class and subjugating it by force of inertia to the ideology of the ruling class, Usually it is only when the capitalist system breakds down, when huge numbers of workers are thrown onto the streets and their whole way of life changed that they gravitate towards revolutionary ideas and politics. The capitalist system in the North has largely failed to integrate the Catholic working class into the production process. While the Catholic workers have of course inbibed the normal prejudicies of bourgeois society these are not as deeply ingrained as they might otherwise be. The result is a certain ambivilance in attitudes which tends to vere sharply in a militant direction one moment and recede back to normal channels next.

More than once the Provos have been caught off-guard by a sudden ebbing or flowing of the political tide. One example in the so-called “Bloody Friday’ episode when the British army ignored timely Provo warnings and deliberately walked hundreds of un-suspecting civilians into waiting bombs. The entire Catholic community and even many Provo leaders (Connell etc.) were numbed and cowed by the blood-shed which followed. Although it was the British army's But once they fait the ground-swell of popular support beneath their feet their approach changed. They began to organise from the top downward displacing the broad based defence committees and substituting the Provo-IRA itself instead. The effect of this was to leave the Catholic population unorganised and vulnerable to the manoeuvres of British imperialism.

It is through practice that peoples consciousness is changed gnd it is through revolutionary practice that revolutionary awareness in the working class is formed. Practice must be tested and it can only be tested by workers when they are responsible for an control their own actions.

The central tak of socialists and republicans is, at every step and to the greatest extent possible, to involve the broadest mass of people in revolutionary practice. Only bo doing so can they consolidate behind them a social force powerful enough to overthrow imperialism and its capitalist allies in Ireland.

While giving leadership they should not however try to usurp the ultimate responsibility and control of the rank and file. In the North, where the political outlook of the working class is so changeable it is absolutely essential to keep this basic precept in mind. The Provos campaign has failed to do so. It is not enough to win mass support simply by defending the interests of the working class. Nor is it enough to draw in vast numbers into the armed campaign. What is required is that the working class should be made responsible for, and have control over, the armed struggle. The Provos have not acted in such a way as to make this possible.

In the coming period, with the growing threat of Loyalist reaction socialist and republicans of all tendencies must act together to correct this defect. There is an urgent need to revive the mass organisation, reactivate the street committees and especially to establish the vigilantes. It is only through these organisations that the orgindary people can have a say in how the struggle should develop. Provo militants can play an important role in this process by using their influence and prestige.

THE PLOUGH — PAGE 5

counterparts”. wish to act as a political police. reasons: protect the people of the North from the RUC, B Specials and British Army. At the moment the government are making it clear that the Free State Army will give every possible assistance to the British Army on the border and ‘anywhere else if necessary. In the Irish Press April 2nd Donegan proudly announced that the Irish Army were “doing as well and probably better on Border security than their British ‘ Role of Free State Army in the future However, security is not the only or main aim _ of the present recruitment campaign. The Border may seem a good distance away from us in the twenty-six counties, but we will be met with the Free State Army in any situation which ‘threatens the interests of Capitalism. In a stable State if strikes, demonstrations, factory occupations have to be intervened in by the State the civil powers are used. In Ireland this means the Gardai. However, the morale of the gardai is at present at an all-time low and they cannot be relief upon to deal effectively with any serious situation. This is because the Gardai are dissatisfied with the role they are expected to play and with conditions within the Force. This has been the case for.some years. For instance, in 1969 when they were denied the wage increases granted to workers they defied the orders of their officers and attended a meeting in the Masushla Ballroom in Dublin to discuss action. When twelve Gardai were suspended a “go slow” was put into effect and traffic in many areas ground to a standstill. Although they won their case, dissatisfaction still prevailed and exists up to the present time. When British troops crossed the Border on March 5th and threatened to shoot Gardai, it brought resentment to a head. There were suggestions within the force that meetings be held to discuss the role of the Gardai under Sunningdale and whether they should refuse to take part in Border patrols. They are becoming very unpopular in Border areas and are afraid that local people will not assist them in solving crimes. It would appear, also, as if they do not At the preseut ume, the Army is not very well trained to deal with demonstrations and strikes etc. They have been used already to break strikes e.g. Dublin Sewage workers strike and at the Curragh Camp against demonstrations. They have also featured prominently in road-blocks (according to Donegan 1279 in 1973) particularly in the forces. The document gives details of riot control, how to crush factory occupations and general strikes, how to surround and divide up demonstrations, how to carry out house to house searches. The Free State Army may not yet be very experienced in the tactics of British Terror, but with the generous and freely-given help of the British they will not be long learning. “Smash this recruitment campaign Among the plans behind the present Recruiting Campaign and what the outcome of having a strong repressive force will be, what action would be best for socialists and republicans to take? Posters have already appeared in Limerick explaining the job opportunities available in -the Army. Some examples are printed above. While this kind of isolated postering campaigns can have some effect, on its own it will not achieve anything concrete, particularly if restrictec to one area. Donegan’s campaign must be opposed by the concerted efforts of everyone who is opposed to repression and British imperialism. After all, who are the Kitsonorientated Free State troops going to practice their new fouind tricks and weapons on? Initially against republicans and revolutionary socialists, who are prepared to fight against British imperialism and its agents North and South. At a later stage they will be used against any progressive force that threatens the status quo. It is up to Republicans and Socialists to do all in their power to point out to anyone joining the Free State Army where their loyalties must lie if they join. Also to build up public opinion against those who do join and so isolate and demoralise them. This can best be done through seriously undertaking poster campaigns on a large scale, over as wide an area as possible, explaining the nature of the Army. As well, leaflets can be distributed explaining the present and future role of the Army and public meetings should be held opposing repression and ensuring to point out who is going to do the dirty work in the South.

This would not and could not be a campaign which would last for a few weeks or meet with immediate success. It would be necessary, if such a campaign were to be successful, for Republican and Socialist forces to co-operate and unite to fight the repression made possible by a strong military force. By definition, it would be a long sometimes discouraging task to undertake. On a scale large enough to have noticeable results, if one organisation were to undertake it alone,