British Imperialism in Ireland by a Group of Long Kesh Internees

The nationalist ideology in Ireland proved beneficial to the middle classes more than any other social class. The first Dail *1919 was composed of 65% urban professional middle class, 25% owners of property and 10% farmers. The actions and attitudes of the provisional Government and the IRA reflected the interests of those elements making up the Dail, as opposed to the interests of the Irish people as a whole. One lamentable example of this was manifested when workers in a Limerick mill occupied it, displaying a banner in front of it saying ““We make bread not profit”. They were evited and the banner was removed by members of the I.R.A. acting under instructions from Dail Eireann.

Acceptance and rejection of the Treaty split the country along clear social lines. Those who accepted were in the main the middle classes and those whose money interests were best served by peace at England’s price. Those who rejected the Treaty were workers and small farmers who were subsequently subjected by the Free State goverment to ruthless and brutal repression, aided by British arms. The ending of the Civil War, to the mutual satisfaction of England and the Irish middle class, heralded a period in which the latter attempted to ascert their claims to national independence in economic terms.

So, we have the situation where Irish exploiters attempted to replace the British exploiters and the method they chose was Protectionism. Irish industry couldn’t hope to compete against it’s British counterpart. Protectionism was designed to break or at least weaken the ties of dependency with England. This policy was followed for almost fifty years through successive 26 Co. governments and failed to a large degree, because the Irish bourgoisie were reluctant to invest their capital in suffici uantity in Lrish industries and ventures. In economic t : protectionisn led. | have the effect of incr of manufactured g in 1926 to 28% 1 was Offset by a 20%% decline in agricultural output during the same period. Employment in industry increased, but failed to offset the level of rura! emigration with the result that unemployment and emigration figures remained the highest in Europe. For a dependent nation, attempting to assert itself against an imperialist power Protectionism is designed to serve two purposes: 1. To decrease dependence upon the imperial power by lessening the trading dependence upon it.

This is generally attempted by a process of building up native industry and encouraging investment in such industry. 2. In internal political terms, protection of indusiry is designed to strengthen and :1 possible develop the national bourgeoisie who should torm the ruling elite.

Protectionism should also lead in industry.

Set wiput to foreign capitalists! t s from 18% 1938 but this other tax reliefs, cash ; depreciation grants and loans.

was a large pool of une:

Needless to say, there » in Ireiand. From the fit to Ireland in ever-increasing to a solution of the land question by encouraging the siting of industry in rural areas and gain the allegiance of the working class by increasing employment Protectionism in Ireland tailed to bring about any lof these changes The Irish bourgepisi¢ realised that abandoning protection in itself was not sufficient to'revive their flagging fortunes and that some way of stimulating industrial growth nust be found. Ain open invitation » come to Ireland and exploit almost at wii, was given. The package contained freedom from company taxation It was pointed out by the 1-D.A - the Government agency entrus? with selling Ireland —- that there willing to work for low woges.

upsurge in foreign investment. It is ut this point that the course was set ina change of imperialist in iment foreign capitalists have been coming numbers, to avail themselves G! the money-making facilities extended to them by the Irish bourgeoisie. who are intent only on making profits of their own at the expense of the Irish working class. British investment in the 26 counties fas fallen from 20% of total foreign investment in the sixties to a niere 4% in.1972. On the other.hand U.S.A. firms have an added incentive to invest in Ireland as it offers easy access to the EEC countries as well as what has been described as a “tax free paradise”. Another and more dangerous type of American firm is beginning to show an interest in siting plants in Ireland — industries with pollution problems, who fall foul of anti-pollution legislation in their own countries are coming here and are at present polluting uch of the South West coast of face of imperialism in s that of large technology h capital intensity units, suppiving fewerand fewer jobs while extracting vast pro“its. One U.S. firm is reputed to have made a profit of 18 million dollars on sales of 25 million dollars (Guardian 1973)

due to iow wage rates and tax iree status. All of these profits are exported, which again leads indirectly to inflationary pressures on the Irish economy. The abolition of tariff barriers has led te an inevitable decline in native industry, unable to compete with cheaper imports. The level of redundancies continues to rise, aS the ability of the economy to re-absorb them decreases. This vicious double edged weapon, whose Victims are the irish working class is the direct result of the integration of ihe Lrish economy into the World imperialist system.