An Reabhloid: Vol. 1 no. 1, June 1984

AN RHEABHLOID

[The Revolution] Journal of Peoples Demecracy Vol.1 No.1 June 1984 Price: 6p

IRELAND-

PLUNDEREO BY THE EEC

* d * ¥ & a

SINN FEIN CHALLENGE-

DANNY MORRISON SPEAKS

NEW IRELAND FORUM

* * * * * ¥

ARMING THE

PROTESTANTS

AN RHEABHLOID

This ts the first issue of AN RHEABMLOID ( The Revolution ), a new rial sponsored by Peoples Democracy. The aim of the mow journal is topromote the politics of revolutionary marxism and to: explain their relevance nei just to underatanding evenis in ireland but to the big iasues ane developments worldwide, White AN RHEABSHLOID wit! primarily be a vehicte for cee the positions of Peoples Democracy and tha Fourth ~~ «International as a whole, it will not be a closed journal, «3 | Our pages will be open to debate and comment to refiect the great breadts of ihe oe ec antiimperialist and workers’ movement in reland.

in particular, our pages will be open to ihe readers of AN RHEABHLOID for their views on the class struggle and feedback on the journal. We sre confident of a iong and lively future!

AN RHEABHLOID

Journal of Peopies Bernocracy Editor: Brendan Kelly Reviews Editer: John McAnutlty Subscription Rates: Four isguae: ireland ; £3.59 sterting £4.06 punts England : £3.56 , To. 58 Eisewhere : £4.00 Institutions: £3.¢%) Send to: AN RHEABHLOID, 6, Avoca Park, Belfast 11, ireland, oe

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CONTENTS

STATEMENT FROM THE

FOURTH INTERNATIONAL

IRELAND - POOR RELATION

THE €.£.C, AND THE NORTH

SINN FEIN'S ELECTION CAMPAIGN

INTERVIEW WITH DANNY MOPFIBON

FIGHTING BACK - THE P.D. VIEW

FORUM SELL-OUT

BOOK REVIEWS

eype rs! ee page 3 page 6 page 12 page 15 page 17 page 19 page 2t

(Page 3

FOURTH INTERNATIONAL

The second elections for the European purliament witli be heid in June 1984. The first were in 1979.

Aitheugh. the “European parliament is only a consultative assembly without any real pow- & >, these elections will not fail to have an impact on the political scenu. The parties that directly represent the bosses want to make these elections into a piebescite in favour of the anti-labour and warmongering policies that they, support, a piebescite in favour of austerity and installing /the intermediate-range missiles.

in Rritain, thew are renresentad a Margaret Thatcher;in France Me wire, Wiad rt "Edlang and Jacques Chirac; in West Germany by Helmut Kohl; iN Beigium by the Martens-Gol duo; in the Netherlands by Lubbers; in italy by the Christian Democrats; and in Denmark by the bourgeois coalition in power.

As for the reformist parties of Francois Mitterand, Bettino Craxi and George. Papandreou in power in France, Maly and Greece, they are also applying: the line of austerily and. stepping up the arms race. But they are doing it in a bit more moderate style, and are politically on unable to put up any sort of credibie ulternative against the capitalist offensive.

NO TO THE EEC, INSTRUMENT

OF THE BANKS AND TRUSTS

Tne EEC is a Europe of the bosses. Tne Common Market was not set up for the benefit of the workers but to boister the power of ihe European trusts and multinationals. The EEC institutions act against the interests of the’ porideg The European Comission §=6is)§©6—coordinating the suits on steelworkers throughout Europe. it is promoting an the defensive,.austerity policy in all the member counirias. ‘Voices are now being raised In favour of equipping this Europe of the bosses with a Curopean army. Such a force would be just as dangerous for. peace and the future of humanity as the army of American imperialian: or the naticnal emmies of the European imperiziist powers. The Fourth International appeais to the workers of Europe to put no faith in capitalist integration of this region. European capitalism is no more progressive than that of the. United States. In line with this fact. we support the campaign of our comrades in the Spanish state and in Portugal!

against the entry of their countries Into the Common Market.

We are svmnatheatic to tha campaige of the Brittsn Labour ieft and the Greek feft for the withdrawal of Groece and Britain from the EEC, However, falling back on. the capitalist gove sign national state ercely offers any better deal for the workers in the member couniries cf **e Common Market.

This would in fact oniy provide a justification for still harsher austerity policies under the protext of defending national industry against foraiqn competition.

Against ihe two mirages ot capitalist integration and bourgesis national sovereignty, the Fourth Internationa! calls for a struggle...

for a Socialist United States of Europe, a common fight, a common solidarity,’ anda common gocialist objective for the workers of all countries.

AUSTERITY DOES NOT

CREATE JOBS

With the support of ali the existing governments, the bosses in the ten member countries of the Common Market, as well as those in Spain and Portugal, have been able ta Girect very wide-ranging atiacks on. workers; ibe yeh of social benefiss, «: {jmimi- Grants, and youth. ie Gstence “of their austerity policies, the governments have invoked the demands of international competition. But toe same argument has.

been used in every country, leading to an unceasing downward Spiral in buying power and gocial benefits. it ia sufficient for one country to jiower ijiabour costs, and 23 neighbouring country will juatity an ever sharper cut in the name of the national interest, that is, in faci, of class collaboration, to the sole benetit of the bosses. indeed it is faise to claim that austerity creates jobs. Since this policy started to be applied in Europe, unemployment has more than tripled, going from 4 miilion to 17 million. And no varianis of this policy of reconversron will halt the drain of jobs. To the contrary, the experts of the bourgeois institetions themselves predict that in a few years the number of jobless 1: West Europe will reach 18 mitlion,

FOR EUROPEAN-WIDE

ACTION: FORTHE 35-HOUR —

WEEK NOW, WITHOUT ©

LOSS OF PAY

A different sort of econormin policy, with different pridiitiws, 1 perfectly possible. have to be based noi on the rationale of capital, of conipetition and profit, but on the logic of labour, of solidarity among the exploited. Priority has to be giver to full employment and meetin: the basic material needs of the masses. At the time of the first European elections in June 1979, the Fourth Bul it would |

page 4 International call said: “Almost forty million of us aié@ Organised in unions. if this power is mobilised, it can win the 35-nour weorkweek with no cut in pay, new hiring to make up for lost :worktime, and workers control over the rates of work to prevent a speedup.’ This. call, setlected a - need, since today ‘the West German inetal, workers union IG Metall has launched a vast campaign of action, including strike, for the 35-hour week. Many unions in other countries have come out in support of this. The time has come to organise, alongside ths “Weat German metai workers. a West European-wide campaign of all categories of workers for the immediate introduction of the 35hour week. it is now or never.

Participation by fevolutionary forces in the elections to the European parliameni to be held in.

i Belgium: the Parti . Ouvricr .

ders Partl} has gathered the 1,000 signatures in @ach province neoded to run a giats. The Ligue Communisie Revolutionnaire of Luxembourg hes alzo met the requirements. Thus, both these organisations will be directly involved in the election cam paign. In italy, ke France, there are ery high legal and financial barriers to running an independent siate.. For example, it is necessary to collect the signatures of 30,000 supporters in each of the five election districts. And then these.

signatures have to be ‘validated’ in front of a notary, which costs a tot of money. in view of tha workers siruggies that are being weged now agains?

the austority decrees of ithe governrmnant presided over by the - Socialist Bettina Craxi and the June has been made difficult by — numerous begal barriers. Nonetheless, ‘jn the countries concerned will take the occasion to wage a - Gampaign against austerity, the: Mussiles and against anti-labour’ policies. We publish below the eal adopied jointly by the United Secretariat of the Fourth ‘international and the European ~~ sections directly concerned by the i” ~Cammon Market question.

min France, the tinancial riurdle a runing candidates was very.

high. Just publishing the official...

material for a European ‘election, campaign costs 5. million francs; - Thus, the Lega Comunista Rivolu- | “4about £400,000). This money is oe reunbursed only to siates that get over 5% of the vote. Nonetheless, the Ligue Communiste Revolutinnnaire Franch cectinn af the Fourth international, is waging 4 — Peciaeye Tia) a ey. wisi vulfiiiinte rma raliy against austerity and the capitalist united Europe on May and at te. Bourget in Brilain, revoiuti Marxists are calling for a vote for Labour candidates. supporting the call of the left wing of the Labour Part; for withdrawal from the EEC an!

for oppesition te the missiles and austerity. ami financial: mobilisations against the instailaton of the 9 Missiles at the Comiso the sec- ' trons of the Fourth international site, the European elections will assume a maior national dimen- - Bien in pela Guus y. 3 For this reason, since the Socialist cP slates unc: ‘= Party is ia. the. government and ithe Communist Party is riding on the workers mobilisations, the Liga Communista Rivoivzionaria, italian eection of the Fourth international, has decided to cali for a working Class vote for the Democrazia Pro!-taria and the ths slogan; Sirengthen the lofi appceition to tha - Craxi Government and the Christian Democrats." zionaria will campaign against” the missiles and austerity, for teft unity in the struggle against the government, Nonetheless, it will modify its electoral call if the CP's role in the workers mobilisations turns into open betrayal.

In Danmark, you need to get 69,000 signatures to run @ siaie.

So, the Socialistisk Arbeiderparts (SAP) hes begun ciecussion with the Left Socialist Party (VS) for an @lartoral secorcd on the hasia of a manifesto . against unemploymani, for the 35 hour week and 141: Supp iiiiy (he Struyyes tue, this demand, jor a European wide: -sirika against ihe missiles end for: imperialist mili Oh, 490,000 in Belgium. the Greenham Common women are Danish withdrawal from the EEC.

if these negotiations we unsuccessful, the SAP will propose common actions with the VS in tha framework of the campaign.

APPEAL OF THE FOURTH

INTERNATIONAL FOR THE

EUROPEAH ELECTIONS

Now is the tume aiso for all members of parliament who claim to represent the working class to introduce simultaneously. in the national partiaments and the Eurepean parliament, -Ddills.. that would reduce the legal workweek te 36 hours. Now is the time for th Vest European unions to call on the American and Japanese unions to join in this campaign.

This is the only = effective way tn sian the drain at inns to avart ihe divisive and demoralising..effacts of massive structurai Tae yeheeiid ke tiie Wk nee movement, to force international capitalism to pay the bill for the Suir for which A alone is reeponsible | “pcr Now AGAINST. nee ep, ing. ‘But they are SoMitig up with more and more money to. finance arms. spending. to finance ther tmerventions in the Malvinas, Lebanon, Chad and ireland. They apply the rules a acre and retusn to - spanding education =and health, ‘but ‘AO -§ government assesses the return: serng its military spending. ie The working’ Ninoeiie on Europe _ afe more and more rejecting this insane. arms race, which threatens sooner or later to reduce our continent’ tad radioactive ashes.

The demonstrations against ihe installation of the missiles brought, Out unprecedented numbers of people — millions in VWvest Germany, more than a million in Britain and Haiy, more than half a mittion in the Netherlands, and ‘in Britain, continuing their struggle against the NATO base. . This mass opposition to the omisc'lee is clearly oriented in , the direction of anti-imperiaiism

and unilateral disarmament. This dynamic must be “stimulated, reinforced and generalised by specific action proposals more and more coordinated on the international levei. Among the proposals that could be made, two are particularly opportune. One is the call for a referendum against installing the Euro-missiles on the territory of each country or keeping them there. The other is for the unions to organise a general strike on & West Eur scale, against the presence of the misailes.

FOR AN ANTI-CAPITALIST

ALTERNATIVE, FOR FHE

UNITED SOCIALIST STATES

OF EUROPE —

The workers movement must organise its opposition to the Europe of the bosses, of the trusts .

and the multinationals, to the Europe of austerity and greater militarisation. It must do this on an international scale. The trades union movement has not yet managed to do this, either in the case of the steel workers fighting for jobs, or in the case of the struggie for the 35-hour week.

In recent months, there have been big workers struggles, such as the public workers strikes in Belgium and the Netherlands, the exemplaiy mobilisation of the fialian’ Workers in defence of the sliding scale, tha miners strike in Britain, the Spanish workers resistance to austerity, and the strike, of the Talbot-Poissy plant in France. But in all these coves

SUBSCRIPTION RATES ;

Sterling - 6 months £9 (25FF}, i yoor the fighting spirit of the workers. .

has-run up againsi divisions among the traditional leaderships of the workers movement, their refusal to organise the etruggle and to support an anti-capitalist alternetive, their capitulation ‘to, so-called international constraints and constraints of competition, thet is thelr capitulation to the rules of the capitalist game.

Neither in France, nor Spain, nor italy, nor Sweden, nor Greece, nor Portugal, nor only yesierday in Germany, have the big Social: Bsmocraiic and Communizt. ‘parties in government . fought back egainst the attacks on ~ the werkera who cre str ~ gpainst austerity and N ling O's ultra-militarist policy, The reason is that these parties and trades union teaderships refuse to attack the roots of the evii. in order to throttle the effects of the crisis, it Is necessary to break the power of the banks and the financial combines by nationalising them definitivaly: under workers control. The goalmust be to put in power workers governments backed up by the workers mobilised and organisedin their workplaces and neighbourhoods.

This means aiming for the expropriation of big capital and reorganisation of the economy based on damocretic olanning by the workers. This etruggts is linked to the fight agalnai the bureaucracy in the Eastern block countries, which ts reflected in the growth. of: an independent peace movement.

Interintional’ _ A fortnightly Jounal of world pelitics Peyment in french &ancs if possible, Personal cheques to PEC ond mali te: 1V, 2 ree Richerd Lanair, 8308, Mon treull, Fravce. acy BH {And it is necessary to declare our solidarity with this movement against the re ion to which it has been subjected). This struggie will open up the way for a , Socialiet United States‘of Europe, the only.real alternative to the divided Europe of today, prey to paraliei crises of capitalism in the West and of bureaucratic rule in the East. A Socialist United States of Europe will not only offer an effective soiution for the working masses of this continent. It will also offer a powerful assisiance to the super-exploited peopies.of the Third -wortd in. theie struggle to free themselves: from: the morass of- y in which imperialism and capitalism has trapped them.

A socialist breakthrough in Europe, would offer hope to all of humanity for a way out of the deepening shadows of hunger, unemployment,’ dictatorship and war, @ road to progfess and an assured future. — Forward to ‘active solidarity for i workers in ! | abbott: cba liked ”" Forward toward woridwide solldarity for all exploited and oppressed, in particular those in Central America, the Near East and Southern Africa, who are the target of direct Imperialist actisn' Forward to Revolution! United Secretariat of ¢}.« 1 AL. | , ‘ mereisch? VEG the world Socia':s:

page 6

IRELAND-POOR RELATION

OF THE E.E.C.

in May 1872 a-referendum in Southern treland resoundingly endarsed a proposal _ to join the EEC. If recent opinion polls are " anything to go by, then that initial euphoria has compleiely evaporated. The trish population is now reputedly amongst the most discontented of any momber atato uf the EEC. Ths $mehin th iar WS a! The general living standards in the South are 30% below the EEC average. Irish. workers, wha put-in the longest working hours (apart from- Greece); aré the lowest pee | ~. workers In-the community. And the smail .,dlarmers who earn less still than ciao aré even. worse off. "Wt is not simply tow living standards which cause pag ts be but-the ever increasing disparities. -in’ wealth “god . income distribution. A mere 5% of the. population wWtS” ius iyuana (Ul? bie Private wealth while 10% of the population takes home a quarter of the ‘national income.

Grinding. poverty stands” in contrast everywhere. to the Vasher ad livia: of a tiny elite. ul This picture beciiivies more éveeling when put in the context of a relative iwcrsening of lralands position vis-a-vis other European countries since EEc membership. The widening gap cari ide Se roughly by the GDP { Domestic Product) index which fell a further 4% Rinse the EEC averana Ketwoann 1974.7 ‘This esa points to the fact | ‘that’ The capitalist tarmers were ardent pes onl labaleeadechel were posh sk crt HOH, Tae dictions left by Britain's previous imperialist exploitation.

HERITAGE OF THE PAST

The trish economy was moulded largely to agricultural production under British rule.

Moreover, agricuiurai acilvity was geared almost totally towards supplying the British market with cheap meat and dairy ucts... This Kind of extensive farming tied .the need for agrarian reform " along the. dines of large scale enterprises.

But the. plecemeal reforma imposed by Britain and the resistance of the mass of @mall farnnere reauited in a hybrid system -a minority of emali farmea in a sea of rail, mainly unviable farms... .

treiand’'s. subsequent economic devetopment was profoundly debilitated by this Inherited nature of agricultural production and structural deformities of gh Oe, 1) | Extensive’ fasming did ‘not: “require a great deal of investment. Big farm capltalisis were conservative. Profits were ted in the banks rather. ae put to further productive use: eT ae "2 The profitability: PAN Toby datthers ed on access to the British market.

Teh capitalist. farmers Were ardent free traders. This had two'tc sequences.

| “Tariff protection was noi available to infant . <4rish induatry. Side by side with free trade “went free fnobility of capital... The: banks ~ “Invested the accumulating . Rs swesciting ofits in. safe British: ‘Govt.

rish industry wes exposed to the full full lest of deve! British industry and starved of capital. indigenous:industzial devalopment wes Sonsequenily very. ni leaps 8 3) The land’ tenure sled peri "g hierarchical division .of labour within agriculture whereby the smail farmer was constrained to the arduous and meagre end of production ji.e. breeding and rearing) while the capitalist “ecinere monopolised the speedy and lucrative end (fattening and exporting). Under these conditions the cyclical crises of trish agriculture tended to be more sudden and deeper. They also tended to fail more firmly on the email farmers.

4) €xtensive farming aiso implied the necessity to minimise, the direct cost of land: (and property) ‘ownership. This iat “dictated the need for an environment of 1 " Jc OP

minimal taxation. State involvement in industry was initially restricted and when the fevel of taxation did begin to rise, ~ its burden was shifted SUL ale realy onto an already impoverished population.

Social needs became heavily dependent on private institutions (mainly vinemier and politics met on a oo net Alentaiet:» colour. century was - ‘dominated: |: Ays3 186 elite™* Capiiaiist iminiig “sell wren ted off. .

smat!, semi-canitaliat: Cidrviag a depended on British markets; a prosccrous, : (if unadventurous) financial ‘sector...

minora with the Griiishucapital market”.

and with no investment! im industry; a merchant secior also depencent:.- Britain; a smali sector cf consisting of diminutive enterprises catering for the domestic consumer market; and a small sector of exraorting industries, based on food/drink, which was largely foreign-ownes cr conirailed.

This state of affairs ‘lad to repeated periods of stagnation culminating in & profound mataise during the 12500. The | alternative poasibility of growth was to .

adopt a strategy of more comprehensive integration with internatiorial imperialism.

This became all *he’mors Uroent in the 1950s because tha postibility of Gritain joining the EEC was mooted. in 1967 a decision to seek mo embershis of the EEC was readily wien. Fiskte by" is two major - bourgois Mee’ fo end Fine .

Gael. Pese EEC memntvoeii "isan to the frish electorate on a numbor cof economic grounds. It wes argued that the contradictions of agriculture. °° \- cri toeal eased by substantialiy higher and viable prices; foreign capital wouts pour la and create a spin-off effect which would iead to a sound industrial conrot; living standards would increare enormousty and the “crection: of a comprehensive sociei weolfors system would be possible. This’: was. the promise of final de-colonication. -ireland would at fast ‘take (ts Re. Sailiaies the nations of the world’. aa!

EEC membership cid indeed wihnulewe the Irish economy to some extent. Dut it couid..

not overcome the forces of chaes which...

repeatediy cresicd economic torpor and social blight.

AGRICULTURE - ART IFICIAL GROWTH

Within the agricultural éector, entry inte. .« the EEC gave bees undar. native |. hee daw . ~~ rise to historically .; .

unprecedented levels of investment and... .

output pilus some drametic — La et ls tif igh ete Od : rish ~ priees begen to level out. En This set-back was compounded rad a ,o, | nputs, : vi significant bites out of farm profits.

‘virtually as bdefore. happened, however, is that the contraincome. Yat behind this apparent success story lies s grim tele. rises (up to W0%) auton’ into a flurry of modernisation and expansion. But giver that the EEC is aimost self-sufficient in [a . beef and has e surplus of dairy products - Mak « * ae fonether constitute BAM of nity. wa eure output - the impact..ot. hg The Irish econoiny:ane on Sir: nai of thie. ; iriah "OF IIMA price mcentives a bound tw Be e prnia tare. li celia ehort iived. From negative turn in the input-output price ratic. this deteriorating ration After the initial hectic expansion, a new phase of crisis set in. For the past decade, os a whole, farm income in real terns has remained at t ha sgh et level.

Growth retes nave tapered off and since 1876 Have declined to am historic: low.

‘The nature of fand tenure has ramained the same and the variation in farm size has _ hardly changed at ell. The composition of { and the division of labour between of farms hes stayed Wheat has out various groups dictions of agriculture have sharpened without any fundimental change in the insofar as the ~*°» potential for euch change did emerge, it structura of production. has jonded towards wholesale disintogration rather than any wiet bea aolution. To get the fall story tt ig necessary te" ar penotrate ben ath .the * sucsase. Ovuring the period of EEC™ mombership the artificial support system. rs ms of European agriculiural policy ‘has flay intensified a number of distartions in irish’ farming whicn are conceaied by statistical averages.

INCOME

INCOME. Agricultural income has been static in real terms ovar the past yeers.

But within this context there have been striking changes. The two cattle crises of i874and '78 piaved a major role in ievelling out the cverall returns to farmers.

However the EEC intervention support for beef ensured that the burden of these disesters would fall on the breeders and rearers of cattle.

The big capitalist farmers were able to sell thelr beef at guaranteed prices through ' EEC intervention while at the same time refusing to purchase any more cattie for ».'s Tha bottom fell out of the: fattoning. = Deapite a reduction in: the use of. .

surface venee, of disproportionately SO... ch ae. * 3 he merket the refere only for the medium. a: Su Dx Mpc . oo ~ be waree

page 8 small farmers. This left them overestocked with ati the obvious consequences for the viability of their farms.

Today over half the incomes from agriculture accrues to one-fifth of the farmers.

The fact that the average farm income is below the average industrial wage (ora of the lowest in the EEC) gives an idea of the penury in which 80% of irish farmers tive.

GROWTH: Output fell dramaticelly to.

around 1% per annum afier 1974. The .

main feature of this trough wee a huge’. .

reduction in the national ceitie herd several hundred thousand, .

which fait by sé back to its 1970 level. Paralle! with this, there has been a shift by big farmers.

inte dairying, having a greater concentra-_ tion of cattle on small farms. indeed, an increasing number of smail farms produce nothing but cattle. Tho decline of the beef sector therefore means that the number of farms. producing absolutely nothing is bound to grow. LAND TENURE. Land continues to be aa immobile as ever despite a rapid fall in prices which In the mid-1970s wera the highest in Europe. Over tha past decade the average siz of hkaldings have increased by oniy 2 acres. The offects of EEC membership have intensified thig problem. On the one hand a high level of debt servicing and general uncertainty makes the big farmers reluctant to purchase.

To meet this situation they are turning (albeit marginally} to a more Intensive use of land rather than augmenting their holding. The problem of deht is the moet immediate and ‘undamental cause of this.

Farm indebtednuss ress froni 15% of tote!

indebtedness in 1970 te a record 30% In 1980. Farm indebtedness ranrscan tad 40% af farmare aninisal incoma ir (OF and had increased to 120% by i950. This daht ts Svied sLIOSS Ine whois farming populetion but is concentrated in tho medium and big farmers. Many medium and small farmers, on the other hand, are gravitating towards family subsistence farming. They are .

prepared to accept an income far inferler to the average wage. Changes In market: prices for products or land do not exert subsiantia!l pressure on thern to ieave farming. Some 50% of farms, 9n one third of the land farmed, contribute nothing te growth of new output. The Sulk of growth Is produced by 20% of farmers. The 30% of borderline cases »r@ particularly threatened by current EEC trends. There ia a real pousibinty thet 8% af framera could end UO In the sake siding: pari-time category: a ve This will, under conditions of tamily ownership of farms, intensify rather than eae the immobility of land.

Combined with this, the division of izbour betawsen big and small farmers ic roughly defined on a regional basis. The consolidation of samail and medium farms tnia viabie enterprises would have to take re through a differentiation among smail and medium farmers themselves.

The daap depression in which these, groups have ianguished, virtually rules out, such a str Gictions invoived in the division of labour.

end the nature of landholding is ilkely to gal for some considerabie ime.

FOOL'S GOLD FROM

MULTINATIONALS

The implications of the Situation in agricul-.

lure will be enormous (or the trish economy gle. The structural contra-. .

as a wiiole. Al the economic level agricui- .

ture SNpioys direcliy OF inuuccliy SU% oO: .the natione! lebour force, accounts for upto .

45% of output in the goods sector, and ~ represents 59% of net exports. At the .social! level, nearly half the population lives In rural arens and it is there that a consicerable section of ircland'’s. poor is trish industry, particularily manufacturing, is su ty one of the af af EEC membership. During the 1970s manufacturing output grew at a rate of 4%.

per annum compared with the 4% %n EEC.

average. But this growth exhibited a num-:..ber of defects and has : problems than it has solved.

Manufacturing has undoubtedly increased its weight witiin the economy. But much of the growth is auperficial. Away and by. far the most dynamic componen sector hes been the foreign muiti-nationais. Throughout the 1870s lreland . ersily firms (relative to population size} comed with other EEC countries. These success Stories — t of this . Southern. . attracted more foreign. irms now employ over a third of the manu- |...

facturing workforce.and account for 70% of +4 exports. indeed the significant growth =.

of manufactured exports during the 1970s was almott exclusively generated by the overssas multinationals. Nonetheless, this performance still does.

not give much hope for long-term devetop-.....

ormance of the multinas. tlonais in iroland ie sirikingly similar to.

thai in other ec called ‘developing’ (i.e.

n2o-cotonie!) countries: 7 — linkene= ~!*h the rest of the economy.

ave extremely tow —~ only 16% of their.

ment. The perf

inputs are purchased: locally. in some . pranches, auch a3 chemicals, only 2% of raw materials are purchased in trelend.

~~ They ars generally low skilled assembly operations and for the most oart low-pay industries. Their value-eided content Is extremely low. — They ara BAe ermal piants oe redtricted potential for employment — average of 100 jobs oer pian.

In addition to this very wees spin-off effect, thea multinationals PBERES ereate barriers to growth: -They supply only a third.s! the congel 5; ea : needed to set-up. Thus, they,are in. compe« ° lition with focal induatry. foe ihe: reat, _ — 90% of their profits are taxires — caus-” ing a multi-million hole in tax revenue.

= The free trade environment which they dictate has couwsed a precipious decline in the traditional industries: A _....

quarter of the jobs which. existed. In indigencue indusiry in 1873. Rave now — disappeared. Since this sector produces mainiy for ithe domastic merikat the result is not only a deciine in net ere creation est aiso increased Imports. — These compenies moke huge profits.

The US companies, according to the US Depariment of Commerce achieve @ raturn of 30%, which is well abave the parformances in any other EEC country where 9 the average is 13%. Poinvestmment was initially high (70%). in the last few years this has changed dresticely. In 1263 ower o < iR£1,0C0 million (ebout helf the balance of payments deficit) in unapesified .

_ Gutflows occurred.ft ia bet'eved by ecensmists that [RE200 million of this was repatbe ae rlated ag multinetionse! ceetits.

These aspecis cf tha multinationals | makes it clear that a airciegy of rsiying on foreign investment can Mako o..needway in grappling with the macroeconomic problems which beset the irish economy. irish industry still has the lowast lovel of productivity tn the EEC; there has been no net - increase in manufacturing employment over 10 years; despite the fact that manufacturing greaily incraezed its factor share i of GNP and axports, a structural balance of payments deficit {attenuated for the moment by a fail in imports by a goncral decreases In consumpcaused ': thon) stili exiats. The latter problem is one) -* se gf the major medium-term constrainta to °° ' economic growth and i? is ironic that the multinationals which dominate experis are * @ Main contriputer to it. Certainly -- in the short term, with tha pruchase of "page 9 facil and mMaierial from capital snapped u n treland (iwa thirds of eetting up capital 2 Bie Importers of large initial stocks, contribute heavily to the peyments doticn This is probably true in the jong term as well, given a steady departure rate and the consiantly nigh proportion of new companies in this sector. Wik. : - 8

_., HUGE BORROWING

A see seth rest of the manufaciuring sector ' stidigérious companias- 4 contributes ‘reiaktvaly. iy CLAN HATEIG Orch ANG 1S GSpendent largely on ine domestic market. The oof otter ” Sodlicont sector of industry ding and construction. It usually ingles 10% of the labour force and cantributes output at around 20% of the GDP.

Since this sector ceponds Naavily on devepeat ale in lndueiry and agriculture and he level.of consumer anc government , dt is hardly surprising that it ic one. thicough the worst crisis in forty Weare ALR ymoment nearly half the workforce is unepanlo ed. Vvith over one miltion square fect of oftice space and three miilion squares icei ai fsstory space iying idle and with a thriving market in second-hand fven: Shere is litia Rope of an early rovivel. 5 3, @ The mest $3.2 ing aspect of the situation in eee ae & fut! reckoning with ite {he 1G... reliance on foreign ‘trevest ran es. a to ba faced. A contrac- - tlev ef 'raltinationa: operations is now ‘ undorway Most ef the forsign owned plants in ivgiand aro subsidiaries of companies at tha batiom end of the multinational ‘spectrum (oniy a handful of the 800 firme figure .n ‘Foriuns’s’ top 900)..At the beet of tities thase firms hed a redundancy rata of 30% over ten years. Now the rigours of rocession and the general chite of depression ia taking an even greatef toll, A. fecent survey indicated that s Quarter. of Iriah based forsign firms are already considering relocating elsewhere.

On top of this Ireiand's share of outside investrnent coming to Europe has declined steadily ovar the past fow yours.

This process is tikety {o accelerate in the future. The long-tesm decline in the econcmiss and | «fosis of some ef the advanced Eurepean countries — notably Britain — plus accession of Greece and Portunal to the EEC wil! stiffen compatition forthe ‘location of multinational subeidierice: Ireland long ago reached the bottom Hine in the package of granis and concezzions it can offer. creation of €0,000 multinatione! jobs has cost the irish axchenuer t{FRES6,COO million. There is no More scanr for Increasing the bidding.

page 10 Under the lengthening shadow of ihis impasse a maior debate on reortontating.

industria! strategy is in progress. The consensus emerging from this dedate Is.:in_ favour of turning Ireland into a bese forthe”...

provision-of international services. jatest ten yeor plan of the more than 10, _ — created over the next decade. 7 development of luxurious medicare facititles and banking erciaves is being cenvassed as a way of Generailng wealth to create servicas-type jobs. The dream of industrialisation....ls being buried unoeremoniousiy. The so-called ‘Telesis Ropart’, manufacturing sen, it —— 1S Industrial. Development Authority (ihe government’.

chief ‘job ae agency’) foressea no...;.

which initiated the dcbate en aew eeretent 7 had turned Ireland into a ‘email export haven’. For. the trish bourgsoisie the logical progression is ts turn treland into.a, ©.

playground for the intornaiionc: jst ect.

The way in which economic contradictions, under conditions fi BEC membership heve | sharpened is well tilusirated in the drama tic growth of a crisis in public finences.._ _ Much of the controveray over government’ expenditure hss focussed on current” ~ spor. The reason is obvious ¢ Me current budge? hes been rising steadily — from 30% of the GNP (Gross National Product) in the carly 1870s to 40% in the 1980s. At the aame time the current deficit has risen from zero in 1270 | to 8% of the GNP by 1650.

However, 2t the same time ireland hae experienced a phenomenal growth in capital formation. fn tho 122% it avaraged 20% of the GNPand after ECC memberenip, it .

ros@ to over 20%: This growih has been motored by gevarnment -r-rditure.

Throughout the pest decede tia pudils capital programma ceudled its sahara of national capital formation and by the 1980s stood at 50% of thototal..

Since the canlial prearammea is tinanced.

largely through borrowing, the fovel of nationa’ debt has intrested sccorcingiy.it has risen from 63% of ihe GNP in the early 1970s to almest 100% of the GNP today.

The fiscal logic behind this was. the ‘assumption that an increase in predustivity would eventuaily produce a componzating flow of revenua. hoe ieadet In tact, public capital epending has clsen faster than current expenditure. Furtheremore, within the aggregeie cf capital “spending the share going to manufacturing roos. most rapidly. In. sum, the scaim of sueceesive governments was to force oomarch the pace of industrial devetosment * $0.88 to. sustain adequate expenditure on _ current services, etc. iat argos it ig pracisaty the failure’of industrial sirategy and not excessive growth of current outlays which is at the root of the cieordes in puolkc fmances. Currefe spendin by £ simply to p t a worsening of already bad cond tilons. For example, social welfare: -fastest growing component )/i-.

of current spending but in the last tive::/: aome 40% of this growth was cauged wes the an inerease of recipients, due to unemplo too many small. and outdated hospitals (50% of health spending. on at the behest of conservative pressure a ll a3 focal bourgeois interests, relig orders and prof ‘ Although the jevel of irish public spending woks satisiactory compared to. a!

EEC standards; It is far from.

t and failing incomes. >: The high level of expenditure on health vor.

reflects a costly and inefficient service with os.

increnses were not exhorbitant.. °° standards were necessary “* tals). This situation is maintained largeiy °™ ©.

relative to the nsecs of the Irish people, — -The greatest: proportion of poor in the gut ZEC- a quartor of the population lives: % Deiow tie poverty ling, whan is defined as two thirds of the average income (which is, in turn, only:two thirds of the EEC avers Bee 868). ~— One of tha highest ratios of pupils to © ve teachers ari one af the lowest ievels of expenditure on education. f: -- Amongst the lowest use of such items as *!

household alectricity, private cars, teie-— phones, televisions, etc. 5 and highest ) 40% of the popuiation is either under the age of 14 years or over the age of 65 years).

— One of this fastest growing populations | anandaiee ratio, (over *: a oS -One of the highest rates of unemployment '°" - af 19% it is greater than the entire manufacturing workforce.

‘The zosis! situation in ireland nas not: improved at all since EEC membership. A°° survey thia year raveeied that Ireland ass © whol is the most disadvantaged country in” the EEC ead is only a hairsbreadth * ahead of regional The failure of industriai strategy means” dynamic which’ can pull the nation out of this social backwater in which it is now floundering — On the. public finences will aggravate the situation still that thers le no economic the contrary, the crisis of.

further : mF om Ste pod, eos bleckspots such as

The staggering size of the national debi has produced iwo new problems: forecicn indebtedness end punitive taxuwtion.

As —— borrewing inerossed, the liquidity of tia financial sector eerlously decreased, interest rates rose arm) credit became scares. The private sector was in danger of grinc ing to & halt. Governments of the day then turned to international financial institutions. Sucddenty, pubtic foreign borrowing roze from erecttcelly nothing before EEC membership to over 40% of the GDP at preeent. Along with this, the servicing of fovelon dott hes gow to a dangerous bevel ef 6.7% of the OP: This ievel of extevnal berrewing and debt servicing (equal fe ebew two thirds of external raverves) could, W uncorrected, lead to a dacline of coniiianes by lreiand's trade partners anc consaguant disruption of tha whole economy.

Apart from borrowing, ths only other source of finance evellabio ia tax reventus.

Since EEC membership ths tovel of texeton has risen steadily. At the beginning of the if70s irciand's tex level was lower then any of the existing EEC countries. Since thea, taxes heave risen from 27% ci the GNP to 41% presently. Within this overall ries, a soncictent -.

shifting of ssctions of society hes occurrect, income iax (87% of wiich ia peld irom wages) has cimoast doubled since the early 1970s to 14% of the GOP todey and Indirect taxes On comgummar geccs incrocsad in the same period fram 19% to 18%, Thus, neeriy four fifths of (exes fa) me'aly on the workers and the poor.

The overall: tove!l of foxstien, given the relative undardevcisament of voisnd, is punitively high aad ihe chara borne by workers and their ailics coos? amherzania, The latiiuce for extracting more vevenue page 711 by means of taxation is, theretere, negtigibt. With oxesesiva foreign borrowing and excessive taxation, government fiscal pollcy ia carght between two grinding stones. Any attempt to significantly roduse external debit would cause a spiralling defiation — deflation, erosion of tex basa end exturnal reserves and further doflation. As ecainst this, tc Increase or even maintain the existing lavei of taxation would risk serious political unrest and 90 ireland’e credit rating thereby activating the balance of payments consircint Inherent in the foreign debt. The vegult would bo equrily Sehitlodary, The ently tray out is through a programme of miectt ive tuis. Thera is a solle consensus hatweon the two maine bourcens parties “and the Labour Party on this. But the CYP OF wilintites otk @ PTOQ ANN WoUIG mocetsiicie, eddead io the social and cuonvawns evisia which already exiete, has te cen cosas. Aner from the obvious econome dangers, there ie a hiekly organised and combative Working clots to contend with — over 50% e7 trigh workcra are untonised. What the wArKers lack moet is @ peiliies] awareness cr teely own sirongth. A full-ecale attempt ts diamantis state involvement in the cminemy wault undoubtedly lead to a qucsticning of the delicate political coneenacs on which the state reets. Thet kind of fermentstion in workers’ consciousness ip circacy enrarent in the governmental invahiilty which omarged from the last twes coccral elestions and in thrse masevoty tuoferted national work stoppages inst ine tax system in 1979, 1860 and 1631. {#3 Mone of the pollicians want to cut toe Ceanly, too quickly. None wents to be the tirat to feat the full might of the workers’. . SO On top of economic instability, thers la a growing political instability. =.

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READ SOCIALIST REPUBLIC NEWSPAPER OF --

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AVOCA PARE, FINCA T? 8%.

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page t2

THE E..C. AND THE NORTH

When the Gritish Labour Covernment held a refarencum on continued mombership of ihe walcial cote losis am ty % Canniion voted In favour. Since then, es in the 2 Counties the E.E.C. has govere'y Coclined in neon: nan me additional money tlowing into the North from the E.E.C. Much as obvious has been the ongoing and unchecked Geciine of ihe Worth’s economy and the meseive incresse in unemploymont. A rea of the figures behind this popular view shows if to ta fufly

ADDITIONAL?

Northern irsiand foekse ennual payment to the EEC.

th h taxes collected by the Gritleh Exchequer. in 1961-82 this amounted to nearly —— — _ in recent yeare has been ri Money received from tho E. e including guarantced ren to farmers amounted to fim.

This left a balance of f22m which may be regarded 1.4 arkditlora!l funds from the £.E.S, - a vory meagre amount iIndesd. The word ‘may’ is used edvizediy because in fact it Is pratt impossibie to prove the! signiie<" icant extra funds ectustly aro liven. The real amount of acditfonal es pie Mig he = ow the a6 % igure Cc £32mM. This ar contarte tia concept of ‘additionality’. in other words, is the money trom, fo E.E.C. additional ta poset Bae the British uer or is it used as a replacement? in the end it ia a Question of whether you trust (and after ali how could you not) the word of the British Gevernment who assure us that the oxtra benefits are pig Bo coming to us.

This is becauze ‘edditionstiity’ is interpreted in a rather particular way. The €.6.C. funds are_ em ie desecsihod as addittenst because It racuess Brite!n’a net contribution Se lane) oF comaaconpante ah f of pul ture than —s moma have the ways the E.E.C. directiy effects the Nesthi

THE EUROPEAN

EAS. DEFENCE FUND

The Europsen Recionei Developuname on rata ieiroment of EEC —— for job creation end Ths fund preservation works through existing cg ie Govt. structucce *% be divided inte two acre heip for infrastructure projects and specitic Industrial projects.

Assistance fer infraztructural gevelopmcnt con anmount to 7G%of the funds resources end the lieve! of grant can be up ts 89% of toate? invest aw if portance. partionior i > af pa hate fanstoul gb 2 sort of ne'p thig mmoucied ta only punt aver ir of tele) wwestment unccrtaxen. uch cantraversial prelects oo Mirool power etation end the now Feyle orkige have reciever! particular asalstence.

308 second area of involvement is providing funding far epecific bf regassiid tad — Bi iG «= eve of ouch & fest to sh neoape ERE ill must alrendy be in reciept of grants from the trctisttericd sMTIere SaardiilG) or Local Enterprise Devalooment UnitiLEOU). Theses SiO IS ts Mel a@opiy cisecity for ald bul have fe be chooean by the Departmont of which favours seciccting lorgs ecais enterprisen. Unfortunniety big bueiness has 21 been vp to ii ment ; ‘recently and more emai ge : aided projects have had to included. to ald moi for new jobs pbut-” includes finip to keep existing ee ro Sareea! in 7282 eer and maintain 1017 existing Mos. This however is probably an overestimate of the ERDF’s s. y a impact. What must be assumed is that firm's Investment was higher because of IOB/ERDE grents than that the IDB and LEOU moncy was releseed for more because of SROF sesistance. in other words the problem of additionality is raised | This figure is misieading ini ancther respect for although half of the new jobs promoted by the 1DB wera seaisted by ihe: ERDF, and a smalier proportion :.

of ihose maintained, lt should be remembered that thie total! of 2009 to 3000 jobs were also in receipt of local grants from the fact etthayeh EROF (8. im fe : aid can orcsutt “9 20% of MVEA CUSIZ Hi IgG: iy exams it amounted to only _ over 17%. Only a proportion of these jo were created or maintained by the EROF.

CRITICISMS

Other criticisms can be made of the impect and working of the fund. Firat it has a bias towards capital grants which may be counterproductive. Capital may be used to replace iabour rather than to employ more and there ee evidence that this is Secondly Grants have attracted foreign firms which have a tendency to close down their branch plants in piaces Such as the North when there i a

recession. A fist of some of the prominent recipients of grants gives some indication of the deficiencies of the fund; it includes Courtaulds, De Lorean and Lear Fan. These criticisrns are valid not only for the ERDF but for the 1DB as well. The whole atrategy of the British government to promote jobs has been an abysmal failiure.

Unemployment in the North fs’ over 120,000 and the gap oetween » it and Britain hes wider. od. This is especially true of -: thé manufacturing sector. While in Britain manufacturing employment is 18% of employment it Is only 11% ‘ifthe North. Services by comparison, North's economy on the public sector. Manufacturing: emp'!oyment has deciinad by over 36% or by 60,000 jobs since 1975.Nor-can.-be made that . a case easily 108/ERDF: grants slowed down this deciine. In fact, assisted employment nas itself declined from 71,400 jor 42.5%o0F: pores | jobs) to 44,200 = 42%) B/ERDF assisted pe er has therefore been fall faster. Future forccasts ididicate a further widening cf the gap beiween the North and Britain. The total in employment if pradicted te dacrease 9 further 613% Yor the whole cconamy and racriv. 20% for the -“anulacturing sector. if we look at the aim of the ERDF which states the Fund is ‘intended ta correct tha principal regional imbeiances within ihe Community’, we can seo it. to have been a failure. indeeca, the same forces which create thesd imbalances (unrestricted capital accumulation and competition} are those which the EEC was sst up particularly to promote within its area. That the geo Ddetween rich and poor should widen was entirely predictable. —

THE EUROPEAN SOCIAL FUND

[he Second may wistrument oF EEC intervention js the Eurcpean Social Fund whose deciared aim is to Improve employment opportunities and iacilitate tho geographical and occupationai mobility of workers in the member states. Indeed, Marthern pcecupy 46% compared to 36% in Britain. This shows the dependence ci the ~ grant. lvoland is designated an area ot’ ‘absotuie priority’ and receives a greater per capita contribution than any other area except Greenland. in 1981-1982 a total of £25 millicn was received which compares vith an overall budget in the North of £108 million.

Oniy £2.6 million of this sum went to the private accior and again it only. operates alongside government grants. Tho lions sharo of the Funds money. was devoted to the pubii¢ sector.

So what exactly was it used for?

Some §5% .was davoted training programmes for young.

psople uncer 25 years of age and % 0 generai training schemes. Thus, most of it was given cover to the youth training programme. This s rightly notorious as a Tory ploy te hide the real unemployment figures ermong young people and has been criticised on many grounds : C}OMost of thoes whe go on a VTP course will still bs unemployed whan it is finished, OO The scheme has been used to reduce employers labour costs.

When it was first mooted only £15 @ week was going to be paid!

Trartac rninn nreasiure raised this io £25 but thia ig ati! totally inadtequmio. Unikke the Youth Gt esantnegy OuMeiNe 4) oats, there is no provision for wcreasina this amount and the Deperimsat of Econsmic Development hes even stopped projects which have tried {to pay mora. OOCenditions in the YTP esheme are sepelting and health and seiciy vegucctlons arc eften ignorcsad OCigéven tho EEC itaolf recagni2ss that young women are Cloariminated vere by the a Mitvive YTP is used to de skill) the overall workforce and is J80d 45 2 weapon by employers jet the rest of the workferce.

Young people have already given their anawer to ina British Government's and the EEC's peiey of ‘heiping’ them. imoracacei by the momo change to. pnge 13 from YO? to YTP only 60% of places had been taken by October last year, despite attempts to penalise those who refuse.

AGRICULTURE

Considering inat three-quarters of the EEC’s budget expenditure is on agriculture, it should come as no surprise that It has a reat influence on the North's arming. This has particular effe st. because of the North’s ralatively greater dependence on agriculture . than . Britain... {t.

‘employs proportional! Be ‘times more pecple than in Britain. and this total has remained relatly vely stable over the last 10 years. This contrasts with the experience in | the 26 counties which has seen a sharp fall in = agricultural, employment. The. situation is” broadly similar when we examine ~ agriculture’s | contribution to Gross Domestic Product. In 1987 it amounted to 6.1% in. the North;a smail. drop from 7.2% in 1873. In Britain over the same period, it fell from 3.1% to 2.3% and in the 26 counties. a. more dramatic: fall occurred fromm 18.9% to 11.4%. Agriculture in the North is aiso distinguished from that in Britain ‘sy @ Number of other features.

"arm sizes are small - on average about 26 hectares as opposed to 47 in Britain. Because the climate limits the. range of products which can. be produced competitively grass and grast based products predominate. The nsed to. import cereal foodstuffs has hit the pig and poultry industries. EEC intervention is dirdiGan the European Agricultural Guarantee and Guidance Fund (FEOGA).Thea Guidance Fund is the only identifiable item since the guarantee . expenditure goes through the British Government and aiso covers England, Scotiand and Wales. This item only covers 5% of: FEOGA expanditure and since joining has spent nearly £31 million. In the North. The declared purpose of this Fund is to improve agricultural siructures..in this it has totally failed. 52% of all full-time farms are classified as ‘smatier farms’ and this rises to 75% ‘'f part-time farmers are

ore a fall page 14 Sat Pa Pn included. This figure ~ has” remained almost unchanged in” 10 years of membership. More controversial has been the operation of the Guarantee section which supports markets and prices. it as been estimated that In 1983 the North received about £43 million in. guarantee paymenis.. Under the EEC a markart ehitl bar takan ntera in the .auiput..of “the Norih’s agcicutture. simulaisd by GEC Spends dbarese Gob iag) wheat weed products have risen from 45% nf output to. 65% while cereal based... products have declined from 35% to 21%. This is why the super levy is such a disaster ior the North's farmers. . A ‘surplus’ of milk production mow affecta the coramunity end a super-levy has baen Introduced to cutback output. This means a levy equal to 75% af ths target price for milk would ba paid on extra production which would be. determined by the gutput level In 1881. tesa Sempared.to Britain the North since 1981 milk production. has increased by 17% and in Britain by only 10%. It will -mean in output of eround 40% despite the 05,000 tonnes * a . North's - ineraase in ihe North’s chere of Britain's quota. Ht wiil cost the farmers .. between £20 miilion and £30 million.

» Among the 8,000 dairy farmers the small and vulnerable» will suffer the most. The jobs ec!

“, many workers In the processing vtndustries are also threatened “c.fhe North possesses. piporticnally morethan Britain. omens : 93 ‘yariable beef premium, it will - mean 6 out of 10 farmers wil . gutfer.. from i the EEC’s latest decisions.

with the reduction in the effects of

OVERALL

oS Much publicity: has ‘gurrounded sere the es The scheme however hes bes wi ~° controversy Over to jong delays ena really any extra money involved.

This question also overshadows ~wheather these is the Belfast Urban Renewal Plan in which £60 million has been promised over 3 yeare for housebuilding. There again has not besn much proof irom the Gritish that. the ernment money is at additional’. This concept is impartent fo any evaluation of the EEC's effect en.

the eccromy of the North but insefer 23 It hes had forces It nes sty intensified the economic jroblems which .cce the North The fundamental offect of the EEC hes boon to iniensify the North's depondence on foreign ant multinstione) cepite! while puiting further obstacles in the vay of eny more progressive colicy. Its ‘social’ fund has only promoted the exploitation... of youth .-as .a asdlution. to unemployment, and Rh has proved cangeraus to ths North's agriculture snd its small farmors.

With Briteins non-particlpation In Tho European Monetery System even in econcmic tems the EEC hes not reduced tits significance of the border.

POLITICS

it ig around the awesticn of the Borcer that the EEC has provided mast controversy in the Narth. lan Paisley has described membership of the GEG in. the following terms;‘A Roman Cethetie cdirrstnated Farnaa is tho sworm oneny of Protestant Uinter and Ulster seepts seed fo face set Sod 1 ec appesition and eorly promises and fiiucions that jeining the EEC would fect to a United lratand, the rea. role of the the resent Frangerup report hes enalied it out. This ehould havo come 23 rot surpriss.tn 1981 the European Parliament passed a resolution which :‘strengly eget: all forma oi vielence and exprescied} tta Getcrminatien to condemn..ects. ef terrevicm ..

ae operations’ <" and recdgnised that the Eurapean “> geheme for which Belfast has onthe dubious aiatinetion of being galecied’ along with Naples.

Community fhad] ms compctence to mako provectia fer changes In the conctitutien cf Northern The Heagerup Repori, wich was _weicomed by the SDLY repeated these poinis anc aise wont on io call for inereased security co-operation between London and. _.

Dublin. The report claimed that...

the withdrawal of Gritish troops would only lead to a deterioration.

in tha situation and supported the estting up of some sort of power " sharing. The general character of ~~: the report can be guaged from ©: the fast that the Britisn Tories *"' lesder in the European Pari- ~~ . lament congratulated Haagerup, - ' thoujh feeling bound te abstain” on the vote because lt mignthave - infringed British juriediciion. eae Now John Hume is again seeking - EEC support for the latest initiatives of the Irish bourgeoisie’ and middie class to hoid back the’ anti-imperialist struggle and make a with «British imperialism. He wants the EEC to provide ‘political. and financial support’ for this deal and there’ is. ne reason to believe that the EEC would not support such if the British agreed to it. Of course, ee imperialism, as with the Gritish, might seek its own price for such support such as the dissolution of the 26 counties neutralliy into NATO or same European Dafence Pact. ; The experience of the last. 10 ysers simply confirms what ecciatists like ourselves have been saying for a long time - only the working class can achieve the domacratic unity of the country.

An imnmeariotiet inatitutinn bike the EEG will not cet in, the way of Britain bul will wee its inierests Mihi wea voi up sipiptiay Ofilail make the whole of Ireland tres for euron/esn multinational expioitation.

ALTERNATIVE

Thus, no progress - political or eemnomics - can be made. in. the framewort: of the EEC.A bureaucracy in Brussells dominated by big business cannot Eo ellowed to make major dacisions which affect everyone dacisions which benetlt ony their business interests. This is why all the majér nationalist’ ecpitatist parties support-the EEC and collaborate with British imperialism in trying to defeat the workers and ‘anti-imperlatist ruggies. i

in the EEC elections and beyond, iness siruggies necd a political programme ihai can lead ic a solution of the economic and pOitical crisis which is In theinterests of the Irish working class. Such & programme means: {J 131. The ereation of s 32 county Constitvent Assembly which rejects partition. son re the resi alternative to Stormont Assembly and eny Fond schome tor ‘joint authority’ whish toeves mailer gowers in the hands of Britain and the rest in the hencs ef irteh canitatiam. C1OZ.Remevel of the border aad @ national pian of wid which unemployment and ceate an econemy uch meets the acads ef irish workers ond ile centrotied by Seon. QO f13. Withdrawal from the EEC.

i om cy pede of ith banks end lerpe ldustry te encurs tits implementation of tte netlonss plac ons of Sed te tha axstatintion ef irish workers.

OOS. Meationettsation ef targs page 15 jars ad staig Neo (uit, faymers to that all ihoee exploited can ferm an aillance against ipenaciotios. Once such a programme is carried oul we would ba in a position to call for unity betwean ireland and Gritain - a unily of the trish and British workers in compiete equality and freedem. Mot onty this - the trish working class wil thea demand what the EEC ony Gives hypocritical lip-service (0 at the mornent - the unity of Ei urope. That is why the overall ailernative ta the EEC is the Socialist United States of Europe.

SINN FEIN’S ELECTION CAMPAIGN

DANNY MORRISON SPEAKS

JOE Sais of Peopies Democracy speaks to Danny Morrison "abiout the alms of ths Sinn Fein campasion in tie European election. Sinn Fein are liguiting for the Northern seat and in the four constitvanciea ip the 26 Counties. | JC: Why has Sinn Fein “eckied te eontest the EEC el stions?

Livi: Sinn Fein over the last three.

years hes adopted an electiora:~ strategy as one of the central planks of the struggie. This came about basicaliy fram the mess movement ind the hun strikes and the meod to op an alternative 9) the constitutional, collaberationis:

SOLP.

Our intervention in electoral politics nas cornered the British nationally and internationally and shown that there is a popular war of liberation going on against the British imperialist presence. So, it would have been to dive up thai strategy had we not decided fo contest these elections, fust as we agriculiurs. - againet tho full effects.

nad onntested the June 1985 election to the British parliament st Westminster and the election to the « gembly In 10862. it ie pert of our ongeing strategy.

JG: Mew cirae Stee Fein view ire 29 Aeae imieed’s meahorahio Sta: Membaranip c. ite EEC has bean Gisamteroug iar freland Nerth enc South, particularly for There wers initial bonelits but they SOON dicanspearcd. Tre EEC ls now 6d te large fermere. Snail armera aro its victime - there ara attempts to Crive them off the land, particularty in the South.

In the North emell fermera have io ecm? extent been protected in the South where thera is dairy farmi they are gcing to be particularty hit by the superievy the deciaion to curb milk output.

The EEG aiso opens up ireland North end south to mult nationals and exploitation of the necole. Take for example even housing, there is talk of the money been thrown in here, but when you study where its going to, its just being gobbled up by the British Govt. They are supposed to match the amount of money ant they do not. Vhat is needed is a@ fuge injection of resources to end ihe scands) cof OMe PHBE Bihudetliwii., ce tenes aes Of ireland has the worst housing in Western Europe. We consider there to be extreme dangers aasociated with moambershin of the EEC. Hand in hand with membership goes an orientation to a military alliance.

The EEC at this point in time is gimost interechangeable with NATO - the Western alliance.

AS our policy ts for an independent ireland, a sovereign ireiand, a non-aligned ireland, an anti-nuclear Ireland, we see the da gers of EEC membership - the gradual moves towards a general Western security policy which we believe is Gangerous. That's why we are opposed io EEC membership and we will be contesting the elections on an anti-imperialist

platiorm, oppesing the military nature of the EEC. JC: What.doea Sinn Fels s00 o¢ the cenral lasues In the section?

OM: In the North the EEC elections will be a referendum ‘¥ithin the Nationatist community on the national question. it will not be fought on the issues that will dominate in England, France or a large extent in the 25 counties, although wa will be raising the national question there. in the South, where probably seme. economic and political matiers will be the ssues, wa hope.to turn HK around to the Brits and the Natione!

question. JC: What kind of campaign will _ Sina Fain be fighting ta the Nerth and in the South? OM: tn the Souih thera are many restrictions on us. There is a lack on? access te the state redio any tolevigien networke which has e ‘spillover’ sffect to the rest of the media. Thare have been aliempis to me's political lepers of Sink Fein. We are also nandicapped in terms of underdevelopment. Ye are a vary smali organisation engaged in a vary bid slartion However in the North where Sinn Fein is much stronga than in ing rGst uf ia Gouiliy, Mere will be a campaign where we bslievs we can win. So what we hor to do Is to produce 4 political veto te match the [RA‘s military veto on the British attempt to stabilise their rule and the Oubiln Govt’s coliaboratin with them. Once wo tunmard majority support wiht Gul COMMUNITY o1 the North there will be two developments. Firstly the Gritish Govt. is going to have io change.

its policy. Since the Sunningdale.

agreement in- ‘power-shering’ 2 1974 the Gritleh Govt. has continued to insist - though this insistence has been wiiittted down over the years - that any devaiution af powe 3 io a focal Assema' must commend cros3community support. Once we command meiority support within the Nationalist community we will demand not power sharing, not an vernal settlement, nor A raiormad Six county state, but a united ireland with the Brits out end av end ta the Loyalist veto. Tha Brita are going to have to change ineir policy and either face up to reality cr give mMucti greater supnpert to the Loyalists and their call for devolution which woud mean total support for a sectarian etate which would have lis ramifications on reiationa with the South. Fer the Southern Covi. ieelf, once the SDLP could no jonger claim {to be the meajoriiy represeniatives of ihe nationalist people in the North, then that would bo their enchormen in the North gona. The Southern parties have tormulaied their policies escund tie SDLP, ard once it is in amincrcliy ooetion they will have to deal! realistically with us. Sinn Foin’s. victory vill have a dramatic eifast on the overall political situation with regard to the nathonal question. JO: How does Sinn Fein hope to acvenee tin the Geuth through these slections? DM: VVe don’t expect to win any seats Dut it is the eyperience we are looking for. We are fiying our © fiag arai hoping to get an injection of new members. Basically; you have to crawl before you can run.

Also, we believe that when the total vote is counted we will be the third largest party in ireland.

Vio will have more first proference wotes than the Labour — party. % JC: What is the significance of Sinn Feins decision to take saate in the pariaiment if bectod? | | DM: We realise it would have been political suicide to contest the elections on an abstentionist tk:ket. Also the EEC does not have the same relationship with us as the Gritish occupation or Leinster House. The European parliarnant is sufficiently distant irom the question of irish sovereignty for us to go in and take cur seats. What we wouid ope to do is to use the EEC platform as an international _ lobbying point. We believe that someone in Euvape could lobby sympathetic political parties, the internstional labour rmovemeni and ombarass the Grite and expose their violence in ireland.

JC: How will you measure succers in the elections?

OM: Success will be measured in two ways. First there is the vote ir. ths 26 counties to seo if we have made many inroads. tn. the Morth it will be measured in comparison wiih our June vote - 103,000 at its minimum, taking the seat at maximum. It will be a seat on which we hope to Duiid and strenghten our organisation. 3

EE ee ee OO aed =f . ity * WORKERS... OF . COUNTRIES, UNITED and the for sOcieliag fevolution’ ta) create the Sociales United States | = a mri Se LT , 1973 page V7

FIGHTING BACK - THE P.D. VIEW

Working people Mave acthing tc hope for and nothing to Gefand in the EEC The Common Matt @ @ Capttaliet inatlutiog: sel up ic unite the ruling Chesaant of EurGpe and coordmate ther m1 aliacks ON working pecple. i ta the Europe of the muliinational Lei poreilona ani the banks, the Europe whith expiois the oolanial world, the Europe allied miinarily ‘with WS imperahan arks & partner in its crimes agelnsi. : humanity. Peoples Democracy | te nationalist qoul-capitalist Ours ts the insane French steel workers and tho sree . ghouid press for miners sinking to defend jobs, of the Greanham Cormmon women and the militons who have patos ised against Muocieer misaiies, of he taht Sobdernasc, Europe which mourned Gobdy Sands and Nia comrade Punge strikers a8 iheir yan. Aas the irish =Sechon of the Fourth international the worldwicie rare.

Olulionary orgenization, Peoples Cemoracy campagrms in these European. electiang with the banner of iniernatonadiiet solideraii cali of Eurooe.

WITHORAWAL |

FROM THE EEC

When ireland joined the EEC in ihe irish people wero proses proaperity for all.

instead membership ef the EEC nas thrown open the econany to the plunder of the mualiinaionals and the peeeuetios of imi genous industry. . The capitalist parties Fianne Fail and Fine Gaal, also pledged thet the EEG would hasten the day of iraeh unity and end the dominatwn of British imperigism. But the EEC fee proved 4 ia:thful ally intorai to Brilaii's we apsinst the fadionsiist pecoie of ithe 6 Counties. Membership fas aieo undermined the efforts of irien to ronal embroiimont in the imperiniizt miltiary aillance “NATO, Bath the Coalition parties and Fiannn Fall have indiated — ja ee to hatter Cherries Guy os Hope as, ‘the Getence of E woos’ None ci ihe promises made by the capitediat parties have besn .

delivered on. instead there hag Soon @ heady growth in em Omploy acti, y and pression. The EEC hes nothing eis to offer. Working people immediate withdrawal from the EEC!

AN ALTERNATIVE TO

MEMBERSHIP

the capialis! pertees tell us that whaiever the problieans of the EEC, irctand hes no choice but & reman within h. This is a tle! The European. countries cutsi¢s of ine EEC have been eble te negotiate trading agraements with the EEG without entry. There it no reason why treteand could ne* . adept the SAMS OPPTORA . Mo! a Importantly an ficaierid irco of the chaing of GEC membarship wouk?! bo in a ' position to esiablish now reiationa based on equality with the couctica of the ‘Third Vvorid’ and with COMECON - the economic locsration ef the workers’.

states of Castenm Europe and the Sovist Union. Such agree ‘ments would atimulate mutual wade and aliew ua to take into aocounl the international distribsce te war work’ necessities in the most cificient and. cheapest fashion, thus ensuring the emootivest and moat — sc slag ai the tiving ali of furmany.

FOR THE SOCIALIST UNITED

STATES OF EUROPE!

Of course tnis allernniuve would Gemnand 4 break with ine interests of the Capiiatia( class. Working paocie im ireland would have io iwn the promise of the 1914 proclamation, that. The Owrfer _ Of freland would be vested shored - Wish people, moO @ reality... i would mean the buitding . ot socialion in ireland a an equal partner in aé - Européan-wide pianned socialist economy which . Suid ensure the even daveiopment of production withoui the Wrational inequalities and wmmense human sulfering that European capitalism has Scaitered 8 = tir @ughhoul

FOR A UNITED INDEPENDENT

IRELANDI

-To open the road to a socialist ireland requires ihe total defeat of imperatiat domination of this island end the overcoming ut the Gtvisions impoced by imperlalism On working people. That's why socialists aré¢ enthusiastic oypponenis of Gritish rule in the Worth and why we reject the sotalied ‘New irciand Forum’.

, Ne Forum report Makes it clear ‘that the capitalist parties and their allies in the . worker's Movement ara prepared to make ‘with Gritish “imperiahem in order to maintain the institutions of partition - a main Duiwark- against the rise of worker's revdiution in ireland.

This lg the reason why Sinn Fein was excluded from the Forum ang why it will be excluded from any Conatitutional Conference.

Against the phoney nationalism of the Forum Peoples Democracy tights for:

. + *% ial ‘ Rath . " ae } bs | ~y a> * rf Then ry se ris, \ ! <° MNnmediate withdrawal of ihe Uritish Army, JAbolition of ali repressive laws.

Amnesty for all freedom - @AI-tretand elections to an All-ireland parliament. GA Government of workers and wihall farmers who will break aff iiks with imperiaism and puild elhances with the working People aNd Opples.cod masses of the world. é

A WORKERS PLAN TG SEAT

- THE Crisis! ~* The June 14 elections to the European Parliament lzhe piace cHudst # Drutal anti-working class vilensive in the EEC countries.

The Capitalist class is. trying to make working people pay the costs of the economic criaig of iheir Oankrupt system. To" achieve this, governments and employers have united to force inrough factory closures, cuts in Waves afd social benefits and cvICHONS Of small farmers from their land; they have created Noassive unemployment and Crtwent feds of millions of working People ito poverty. At the same time these governments have Muunled @ tig offensive against rade unum end democratic Fights 1 Order lo carry through ineir uusternty policies. The HiGchons we seitted to give logilimeacy to these attacks on working people and their Ofganisations, to rubber stamp ine austerity poticies, the Siting of US nutiew missiles, the feprassion, ‘Vniie the uniting and CO-Ofdinating its éNachs on working peopte, the workers Tiwana in the EEC COUNTIES féemains divided. The luaders of the movement Carry Gul Class Colaborationiat Policies, ttehing 16 find Common. ground with the ruling class in their own countries instead of committing themeetves to capitalist class is. ping 8 united responee by the European working Clase to fight for common objectives in all the Countries.

tt is the tailure of the Dreseni leadership of the workers movement to press for such united action,to co-ordinate an an iniernational level the Struggies of working poopie that has ieft Ford workers in Cork, Ranks workers in Dublin and Limerick, De Lorean workers in Jeltast to fight alone. it is this jailure which aliows muitinational bosses to Play off workers in one country against their sisters and brothers elsewhere. Tie decision of 50 miner's unions in Paris on May 20th to give full Support to the British NUM shows that international co- Ordination of workers siruggies is nO pipedicem. There are 40 APHION trade unionists in the EEC and if mobilised this force could impose & workers pian to beat the crisis and defeat the capitalist austerity policies. Such a plan could’ be drawn up ‘through Convening a European Congress of labour with broad represeniation gf - factory Gelegates end the rank and file.

A. bette Sivategy could be developed te win the demands which era: already widely Supported im the international workers movement: BA 35 hour working , si 1). week with SA nicctlve orocrasme of useful public works. ees Protection ef weges from the ravages of inflation @Opening the books of muftifhationals Who - tiweaten redundancies and the nationalisation under workers control of firms threatening closure.

in = these elections — Peor oy Wit Grovidde & vaste in with - automatic increases with rises in the cost efliving, ples | bassis, struggiet ites wnterests of working people: a WOILe for trade unwrsists buitling {0 Gefend jobs and iiving Siaxiads, for women siruggling fOr equality, for youth fighting tor @future. We will bo @Quing the need for working peuple to Organise independently of ‘the Capitalist state and its Political Parties, Weowill be explaining te need for a mass antiimper :alist workers party that can unile ali —s- tnose fighting 6xploitation and Oppression, Peopies Democracy is a smaii Party Of revolutionary marxists.

We have very tittle resources.

We don't have the means to stand candidates in these ¢iections. in this situation we have Gecwied to Call jor the eiection of Sinn Fein Candidates in all consituencies and to participate in its Campaign.

Movement will oppose this. They will atgue that Sinn Fem ig Ol & workers party and that their Programme in the election faulis short of that argued by Peoples acy. To do this is to miss the whole potential of the political movement of republican Militants. Sun Fein is a revolutonary organisation, and only these willing to supcori .

development of the national revolution in ireland can ‘hope - “a co] teed when fey argue tor iS xtension ic ‘a workers We have decided to call for & voie lor Sinn Fein as the clearest way in which working people can record their. opposition to the capitalist EEC, to the austerity policies of the ruling class. A massive vole for Sinn Fein i$ the best way in which working 8 Can jet the Forum parties w that the national righis of ‘the irish people are not for sale! = =The election..of Sinn.

Fein candidates will. send a.

Message to Europe that working people in ireland reject the Europe of the for the Europe in the workers of -

mare 19

THE FORUM SELL-OUT

A reading of the other sections of this journal should convince miltants that the effects oi EEC membership are to increase the exploitation of ireland by the major capitalist powers. .{ should be evident that: a policy collaboration with: impeftialism is & concious strategy of irish capitalism which prodates membership of the EEC and that ins has meant'a steady erosion ot the limited political indepencence gained in the 26 counties by the war of indepsndence. it may not be quile so evident that the recent report of tha new lreland Forum represents a chinax to that strategy. in fact it represents a final retreat by irish capitalism from even token leadership of the atruggie i unity and nationai independ once The debates of the Forum gave plenty of warning that this would be the dutcome. ~ It oxctuded, | Sinn Fein, the major organisation a ge a ‘for, ay unity. jt rushad tha Northern minority: ‘the consistant Cenial of thelr rig} ts under the carpet. it Invited Unionist and Loyalist Racks . to Dublin and treated with grave consideration their denunciations © of trish unity @nd ignored reports by its,own secretarin, on the disasterous . © occromis consequences of . partition, in favour ‘° the -«sonomic impressionism of flr Chartes Carter, head of the ferthora lraland Economic -Caunecil, vzi>came the Oybin to .tell the Bs do ‘trish Unity simply won't (The fact that Sir Charis ws unable ° to gat ‘Northern tretand: to work @5 an ecqnomic, entity does not appear te effect me qualifications as an aapert)..

The heavy stress 0 ihe unitary state In the repor}-has caused some confusion but “Garret Fitz~.

gerald was a pains to- ftigp! this.

within. hours of the reports * publication... }t. etek that this was ‘at oe represent! vague asp arations which co help S.

of 2: “hidden agenda’ . coniuse public opinion and retain rigss support the National Parties. in prectica = trish capitalists were to join with Britain in aseer*anes of the Unionict vets anu support for escterian reaction in the North.

Press leake give’ Fitzgerald's unitod roprecsion united. laws and united exploitation of workers Nerth and South.

"FIANNA FAIL SPLIT

Karl Marx said thet ‘Histery repeats itcslf, the second time as farce’. Haughay’ 8 act as De Valera to the Forum’s Treaty and hie ineistence on @ unitary state might convince -gome that a section of trish capitalism holds firm to the call for national unity. in fact the division is much amaliler. Fianna Fail betleve that they muat hold to the rheteris of unity if they ere to.

retain their mass base. in fact this insistence on a unitery state is now - found. Haughey is on record a3 prometing other options and his record of callaboration Is equally 43 bed O6 Fine Gaels.

Mare impo; tently tie practical aspssts, of the Forum report have basen with up for some time; Refuer! of dc »ocratic rights to Sinn Folia iy excurTity collaborstion, extradition anda new ‘Crimina! ustice’ oll which sociea al! the worst aspects of regrcssl 70 'egistation in the Morth (iaciuding the Informer system) and desis e death-low to domocratic righie. . Flanna- Fall have either topt sifcnt about these measures or cnthusiast- ‘ jcally supported them.

BRITISH CONTEMPT

_ che. Unionists have greeted the “report with - abuce and the Gritteh (Criticised in the report for ‘crisig management’ but not .tergeted asthe prima cause of the Northern violence) with contempt ‘ system Unity meant ‘they can membership of NATO. However.

historically they have nct been minimal concessions and the security of» They appeer to be considering minimal concessions(such as an Angio-Irish talking shop) in return for firm support for partition and the effective extension of the British a sae: .

th all counties. . ¥Y are also interested in seeing how close push the South to hout to grant even their base amongst the Unionisis remains paramount. Further negociations carry great risks, especialiy for the Irish czpitatists, and the fact that their ucity around the forum report has proved to be a sham will further weaken them. No-one can doubt that a new tevel of political capitulation to Britain at a time when irish capitalism is trying to force major cutbacks in the standard of fiving of the trish working class will lead to massive confrontation and accial convuision.

LEADERSHIP

The final outcome of this battle will depend on the teadership and political conciousness that anti-imperialists and socialists are able to provide. tmmediaigly this meéans being able to providea political alternative to the Forum.

We in Peoples Democracy believe that the cali for a Constituent Aasembly od the ‘inain element, of such an alternative.

This presents an immediate series of tasks; the unifying of ali the democratic, anti-imperialist forces in lreland, gaining mass support for-these forces, bringing ‘ogather a Constituent Assembly and er «Alf a campaign of a action +o push out the tish and bring down the ortiiniel assemblies in both partsofireland. °», .

page 20 The best groundwork for Such programme would be substantial victories for Sinn Fein tn ¢he European elections. Gut it vould be uniy a groundwork. -Sinn Fain have.not presented an a!ternative: political strategy to ihe Forum, have effectively opposed united action and have yet to link their electoralist strategy to g strategy of mass action. However victories in the election weuid ful the teftward drift and Increase the pressure for mass action.

SOCIALIST ROLE

' Sociaiist have 2 sposific role to . play. . wOuld be largely an atiiance of A Gonstituent Assembly oe petty-bourgois and working-class A I RRR | se RT a would and independsnt, to the fortes require en a A eT AA aS | organised power of the working class. The task of socialists Is to unify the political and economic struggles of the class and in the process create a real inderendent anti-imperialist party of the working class. British imperialism and trish capilalism are determined to ‘faunchn cecisive attacks against irish workers. ‘ut the attacks smack of desp.retion after 15 years in which they have been unable to crush the asperation for unity and national independence.

They themselves are caught in {ie crisig to such ean exient that irish capitalists are unable to present a common front nor is Gritian easily able to to offer even formai concessions to ease their taak, new peoples democracy pamphiet

UNCLE —

SAMS

ROAD

FO WAR

“, Central American Revolutionaries answer Reagan Available fram: Plorizon Books, Avoca Park. Belfa 28, Clanawley Roed, Killester. Dublin haANes df 109, O’Mailey Perk, Limerick.

The anti-imperialist movement has to swing into action itself and fight for a Constituent Assembiy. The Irish people remain .unbowed and = are increasingly moving towarcs the anti-imperialist movement. The Repubt movement has begun @ remarkable political evolution but revolutionary socialist movements like Peoples Democracy, because of their programme, can play a pivotal role by fighting for unity and mass action and working with other sections of the working-ciass movement to bring together the strands of tha mass revolutionary party, These are not tasks for the next 10 or 20 years. They are tasks for today! price 35 pence

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K REVIEWS |

~ Boo

ARMING THE.

PROTESTANTS

Arming ihe Protestants: The Formation of the Ulster Constabulary and tho Royal Uister Constabu 1920-27 Michael Farrell, Pluto Press (London), 1983. £7.85 This book is essential reading for anyone who wants to know about the nature of Northern iretand.

Michael Farvell has produced a detailed and ciosely argued work.

A careiul reading will be rewarded with a greater understanding of tha. background to today's Since iis. publication there have been many attempts to refute the work but none of. the critics have succeeded. The attempts vary from niggling and Inascurate objections (Roman Fanning) or simpie reassertions of the myths ihat the bouk debunks (P Wood- The reason for these attacks is guite simple. ‘Arming the Protestants’ completely refutes tne ‘iwo-nations’ philosophy which serves as the justific.iion ‘or many British and 23-County policies on the North. it shows that Northern ireland was not ‘created as a result of a unionist ‘nationalism’ opposed to that of the majority. ff ig true that like the Nationalist movement, unionism was an alli-ciass alliance.

Unike it, this aillanca was employed ta reinforce the status Quo against even the possibility of revolution. The state that came from it was dominated by counterrevolutionary interasis. More importantly none of this was spontaneous. Although the unionists sometimes actod on ihtir own initiative, it was always within a context of British encouracement and support. Significantly for the politics of today, when attacks on the democratic rights of Sinn Fein are justified by the IRA's violence, Michael Ferrell shows graphically how the unlonists were wiliing to use violence at every step. The British rote wes to collaborate in the formation of loyalist terror groups, then to change the law to legitimise that violence and finally to integrate the terrer groups into the stete apparatus.

Another a argument against those who call for ‘aolt<Jetermination’ for unionists was the role of the state in preserving en artificial class alliance. After partition sectarlaniem beceme more ang more ly ingrained in industry and inistration. The Specials not only provided an extra source of Income but the public demonstration of Protestant armed supremecy and their exemption from legal restraints.

The British quictly erevided the money for ai! this, even wien the Specizis wero usec io threaten armed renellion over the coundary commission report. A poitaes. Ucvoloped of a jotkeying for position between the Gritish imperiatiats, the unionist cezoitallats and their ploblan loyelist wing. Each got something: the Gritsch a eocure base from which they could oversea and it necessary Gootebilise the Seuth.

The Ulster bosses a subserviont ‘workforce and the loyalist _plebs an unstated contrect which promised that, no matter how poor their condition2, the Nationalists would always be more impoverished. One etrifcing clement of the book is tho total absence of any aftempt to concillate the Nationalist minority. indesd the most often quoted example of conciliationthe ofter of one third of the places in the RUC to the minority — is shown to-have’ been a pragmatic decigion based partly on economics (it saved on sions for mainly catholic RIC men) and strategic (the need for experience and local knowledge.) Of course there are weaknesses.

The chosen fimits of the work exclude major aspects of the social background. The increas- . ing economic need for the B Specials allowance as a subsidy for low wages is ‘only hinted at. More generally, analysis. of the groms against catholits in the shipyards should: mention that they occurred justin time 'to abort a campaign for a minimum weekly wage of £5. The book could be easier to follow. The sheer mass of detail appears to suggest that different icles. er different Gecisions by individuals might have changed the pattern. Eventually the evidence uncovers the class forces acting to maintain the — but the process takes me, Mone of this alters the fact that the book is a real work of original scholarship that presents an unanswerable. case against partition. But this. is not the oniy theme in the book. "Arming the Protestants’ also goes into considerahte deiail about the response of ine Southern capitalists.

Te some extent it rescues’ the reputation of Callins, and shows that he was genuinely opposed io partition. But it aiso shows that he never fully understood the extoni of the deal with Britain that the Treaty represented. it must be & major embarrassment fo today’s blueshirts to have it proved that they armed, financed and organised the IRA in the North.

They were not long however in clearing up this contradiction and & new pattern emerged.

This pattern was one of capitulation to imperialism, ruthiess copression of the Southern working class and Republicans and

page 22 public denunciation of unionism linked to a private willingness to negociate and to underwrite elements of the Northern reaction. In the period following the Forum Report, ‘Arming the Protestants’ should be a weapon in the struggle and it should be closely studied by anti-imperiatist militants. SUS ENIG | Sy Sy ¥ The British in Ireland: a suitable case for withdrawal . Geoffrey Bell. Pluto Press, (London), 1984, £2.85. This small volume is the latest in Pluto Press’ ‘Arguments for Socialism series. tt is directed at avery specific audience — Britisn socialists — andtackies the major -excuses which ‘the British {oft have otfered for abstaining, evading. ignoririg, or opposing ihe, movement for Irish national .

liberation. ,.Geoff Bell's’ creden- ~ tials for the job are solid. An-irish socialist who has lived in England for many years, Bel! has maintained a consistent involvement in the trish solidarity movement.

Now active in the British Ladour Party, Bell's latest chaltenge to tna British Labotr movement is wellaimed.i. 2° °° The book is based on the premise that the ‘irish question’ is a criti-, cat one for British-sacialists — not just in terms of their responsibillties to their trish sisters and brothers, but in des grt to the healthy development of the iabour movement in Britain itself. Bc'l staies sharply that today, as in the days of Marx, the Chartists, and the Levellers, ‘“‘the fight for internationalism begins with Irctand."’ tot only is support for uncanditlonal and complete British withdrawa! an act of genuine solidarity with the Irish working class, it would also concretely advance the interests of the QGritish labour movement. For example, Northern -ireland would no longer provide a training ground for socurity methods which could eventually be used against the British working class.

Referring to the Malvinas War, he says ‘what was displayed so Clearly in that period was just how ~deep are the roots of national chauvinism In the British working class. The strength of this preju- -~dica makes socialism hard to imagins in Britain’. **... internationalism cannot be an occasional!

luxury ...’’ Bel! tackles the reticence of the British Jeft to deal with the ‘trish problem’ by approaching It as ‘the probiem of tr> British left’.

Aithough thore he: always Deen a minority curreni wi the British Lebour Party which hes teken a firm and principled stand for trish freadorn, ‘“‘the gonsral mood both at loacership level and in the rank and tite was one of indifierence.”” - Bsil outlines the currents of discuosion which developed and shaped the orientation of the feft gincs the beginning of the Civil Rights movement: the Commuist Party’s ‘ravoluticn by stages’ ‘theory; the ‘two-nations’ theory; “the freland Labour’ Party; tho. -Better calis for. 2@ Nortrern Lite for All’ campaign. None of these forinuias hea stood up to the realities of trich politics.

ia 1931, the British Lebour Party issusd its fire’ detailed staternent?

on ircland in over 60 years, Indicating, says Bell, that ‘Northern ireland had at fast come.in from the outer timits of British socialism and penetrated the corsciousness of the Lebour Party itseif’’.

Bett bsiloyes that this debate needs to be informed by the lessons of trish history and particu.

tarly those that cen./o around the tome Rulo crisis. At this time parliamentary majorities were ichorecd end the Britich ruling - class reverted hock to valience on lig army and other forces of lis state. A eetutory ieason for socialists evar swhere who rely on parliament a2 8 rons te progress.

Undertying his ergument that this ie not just an historical irrelevancy, Bell than refers to more recent examples of democratic norms being expediently dispensed with ag British rule in the North of ireland has been challenged since - 1969. : Bell credits the Republican Movement with having learnt these “from the lessons above all others. He lays the responsibility for the presenti armed conflict firmly at Britain’s door, an unequivocably and unconditionally defends the righ!

of the IRA to use whatever means they see fit to win their liberation. . This is a principled position and the fundamental issue for the solidarity movement in the oppressor nation. However, while putting the Fepublican Movements case, Belt seems to be unwilling ta.

differentiate himself from the.

" militaristic premises of — “Republicanism. He appears to more dismiss the effectiveness of electoral and other political tactics in favour of military ones: ‘‘The | Provisionals could hardly be |.

blamed for concluding that.if they”...

wanied to iftivence the British, — eiection successes were nothing compared to the power which came from the barrel of agun."" ‘The harsh truth is that violence lrish has evoked a response from the British, where- #& peaceful methods of protest tend to be greeted with. indifterence.’ We in Peoples .Democ- * racy would argue that the récent” electoral successes of Sinn Fein have advanced ihe struggie more ther the iRA’s mifitary campaign.

ke goes on to examine the relationship betwesn trish socialists and the national struggle, and here Bell makes a critical distinc- — tion, ae “To say that there has always been a democratic and internatlonalist strand within: trish Republicanism does nci necessarily make it socialist. What it does is allow a socialist element to exist within it, and potentially, to dominate it.”’ He acknowledges that there ere contradictions within the Republican Movement, specifically the contradiction between an expres- 900 desire for mass participatory politics and the secret conspiratorial nature of the 4ARA, but makes ‘‘a plea ... (the British left) not (fo judge) the Provisionals on the basis of its own tactics, strategy or obsessions."’ Me confronts the spectre of the ‘blcodbath theory’ and perhaps his most telling point which

. pare 23 shows up the weakness of loyal- ‘Ism is the question that in the event of a British withdrawal, what POLITICAL aim would a backlash have? While Geotfrey Bell makes a compelling case for a united Ireland, and for British socialists to piay an activa part in bringing it about, not ali his arguments are unassailable. While he refutes any notion that Britain's motives in ireland are honourable, he discounts any economic moiivatlon as a factor for continued * tr * involvement. Gritish interests in lreland are reduced to strategic ones, and the fear of an ‘irish Cuba’. it is a book which raises some questions which might not be answered in quite the same way by sccialisis in lreland. Overall, however, it puts the cause of a United Socialist Ireland to those who share a responsibility to fight for kt, the E@ritis® labour movement. And it is elcome for that contribuiion. * « *

A POVERTY OF

PHILOSOPHY

lreland and the European Communities, 10 Years af Membership. Edited by David Coomhas Macmillan, £20.00 Despite its price (£20), this book is a valuable handbook for Opponents of imperialism who want to research the EEC and @ tribuia io the considerable research work and = atatistical analysis by the Irigh academics who contributed to the series of articies. It is alco 2 monument to the dominance of imperialist idectogy in academic circles and their tallure to presant a serious polit analysis of Ireland's relationship with the EEC. In snite of this the book shows craphically the immense damicac that membership has done to the Irish — © lack of an ternative sir y among ths irish capitalist partias.

The absence of politicel analyels semetimes leads to laughe'ys results. The editer in fis intesduction-_suos—ons— miaartant issue being ireland es a small country in association with big countries. The nearect that we come to a political analysis is in the articie ; mis consequences of EE thip for Ireland’ (Alan Matthews) when a ‘structuralist’ Ja rightwing model of the EEC is contrasted with a ‘core-perichery’ le vaguely left-wing, mocol.

‘Given this overall ca) C momber-

INQUSTAY

political weakness tha main value of the beok is In the Individual areas of research covered by each article.

immediately a further giaring

WEAKNESS

inductrial development-the main argument put forward for membership — is not covered. A prime ares of secrecy — the exact level of ration and cantra!

exerci by multinational firms and their effecte cn the irish economy -~ is blandly ignored.

Cniy ‘Matihews’. article and ‘Regicnal and Social policies’ iJcon Hart anc Brigid Laffen) fiend with this iccus in very generej terms. both show a continuel decline in native industry, & continued ance on the Erit'sh market and a tendency for netive Inveteors to invest outside lroland. Multinational capital has cons nothing to meet the unemploymont crisis end is becoming moro and more unstabic. Maselve profits ts both native and multinational cacitalists ars at the cost of iralznd’s cconomic future,

AGRICULTURE

A aimilar story ie seen when you to transiaic the rather dificult fanguege of Fox and Keaney in impect of becomes evident.: the Common Agricultural Policy”.

Mascive profits have been made yet this has not led to any hmnprovement of the industry. Instead tite amall farmer is put undor increasing pressure and the working class face increased food prices.

INDEPENDENCE

Through ali the essays runs a real precccupation which reflect: the debate inside Southern cap.talism. Membership of the EEC meant a real surrender of national sovereignty. From their position of weakness irish capitalists heped that membership would enable them to perform a sort of ju-jitsu and become less depengent on &ritain. Membership would erode partition and in a European periiament ireland would find a greater independonss. in fact the EEC remains a ramshackle collection of nationstaiss bound together to ensure tho survival of capitalism and where the stronger nations prey yoon the weaker. Partition has not been eroded and now, through the Forum report and the Haagerup report, we see both rich capitalism and European bureaucracy desperately trying to preserve it. More generally Irish cneper: ty has eroded ali but the bare scraps of neutrality and: even led to a weakening of a traditional pollcy of anti-colonialism. NATO membership is delayed only by the capitalists’ Inability to seil it to the irish peopie, However it is clear from the book that the capitulation of irish capitalism to imperialism does not date from ontry inte the EEC but back to the Angio-lrish Frea Trade agreement ang beyond. The academics draw a graphic picture of collapse but are unable to offer any solution. This is hardly surprising in a book about ‘treland’ that deals only with the 26 Counties. However the book remains a valuable research too!.

Try arxi get it from your pubtic library or if you are rich buy it feb our panto: At the - : 2c2 $ its Most va! uabie cons inaion will De an analysis of public opinion showing grov- Ing hostlilty to the EEC, especially amveng the young.