Book reviews

ee ee | ee ee ete Pay a ee ee a

K REVIEWS |

~ Boo

ARMING THE.

PROTESTANTS

Arming ihe Protestants: The Formation of the Ulster Constabulary and tho Royal Uister Constabu 1920-27 Michael Farrell, Pluto Press (London), 1983. £7.85 This book is essential reading for anyone who wants to know about the nature of Northern iretand.

Michael Farvell has produced a detailed and ciosely argued work.

A careiul reading will be rewarded with a greater understanding of tha. background to today's Since iis. publication there have been many attempts to refute the work but none of. the critics have succeeded. The attempts vary from niggling and Inascurate objections (Roman Fanning) or simpie reassertions of the myths ihat the bouk debunks (P Wood- The reason for these attacks is guite simple. ‘Arming the Protestants’ completely refutes tne ‘iwo-nations’ philosophy which serves as the justific.iion ‘or many British and 23-County policies on the North. it shows that Northern ireland was not ‘created as a result of a unionist ‘nationalism’ opposed to that of the majority. ff ig true that like the Nationalist movement, unionism was an alli-ciass alliance.

Unike it, this aillanca was employed ta reinforce the status Quo against even the possibility of revolution. The state that came from it was dominated by counterrevolutionary interasis. More importantly none of this was spontaneous. Although the unionists sometimes actod on ihtir own initiative, it was always within a context of British encouracement and support. Significantly for the politics of today, when attacks on the democratic rights of Sinn Fein are justified by the IRA's violence, Michael Ferrell shows graphically how the unlonists were wiliing to use violence at every step. The British rote wes to collaborate in the formation of loyalist terror groups, then to change the law to legitimise that violence and finally to integrate the terrer groups into the stete apparatus.

Another a argument against those who call for ‘aolt<Jetermination’ for unionists was the role of the state in preserving en artificial class alliance. After partition sectarlaniem beceme more ang more ly ingrained in industry and inistration. The Specials not only provided an extra source of Income but the public demonstration of Protestant armed supremecy and their exemption from legal restraints.

The British quictly erevided the money for ai! this, even wien the Specizis wero usec io threaten armed renellion over the coundary commission report. A poitaes. Ucvoloped of a jotkeying for position between the Gritish imperiatiats, the unionist cezoitallats and their ploblan loyelist wing. Each got something: the Gritsch a eocure base from which they could oversea and it necessary Gootebilise the Seuth.

The Ulster bosses a subserviont ‘workforce and the loyalist _plebs an unstated contrect which promised that, no matter how poor their condition2, the Nationalists would always be more impoverished. One etrifcing clement of the book is tho total absence of any aftempt to concillate the Nationalist minority. indesd the most often quoted example of conciliationthe ofter of one third of the places in the RUC to the minority — is shown to-have’ been a pragmatic decigion based partly on economics (it saved on sions for mainly catholic RIC men) and strategic (the need for experience and local knowledge.) Of course there are weaknesses.

The chosen fimits of the work exclude major aspects of the social background. The increas- . ing economic need for the B Specials allowance as a subsidy for low wages is ‘only hinted at. More generally, analysis. of the groms against catholits in the shipyards should: mention that they occurred justin time 'to abort a campaign for a minimum weekly wage of £5. The book could be easier to follow. The sheer mass of detail appears to suggest that different icles. er different Gecisions by individuals might have changed the pattern. Eventually the evidence uncovers the class forces acting to maintain the — but the process takes me, Mone of this alters the fact that the book is a real work of original scholarship that presents an unanswerable. case against partition. But this. is not the oniy theme in the book. "Arming the Protestants’ also goes into considerahte deiail about the response of ine Southern capitalists.

Te some extent it rescues’ the reputation of Callins, and shows that he was genuinely opposed io partition. But it aiso shows that he never fully understood the extoni of the deal with Britain that the Treaty represented. it must be & major embarrassment fo today’s blueshirts to have it proved that they armed, financed and organised the IRA in the North.

They were not long however in clearing up this contradiction and & new pattern emerged.

This pattern was one of capitulation to imperialism, ruthiess copression of the Southern working class and Republicans and

page 22 public denunciation of unionism linked to a private willingness to negociate and to underwrite elements of the Northern reaction. In the period following the Forum Report, ‘Arming the Protestants’ should be a weapon in the struggle and it should be closely studied by anti-imperiatist militants. SUS ENIG | Sy Sy ¥ The British in Ireland: a suitable case for withdrawal . Geoffrey Bell. Pluto Press, (London), 1984, £2.85. This small volume is the latest in Pluto Press’ ‘Arguments for Socialism series. tt is directed at avery specific audience — Britisn socialists — andtackies the major -excuses which ‘the British {oft have otfered for abstaining, evading. ignoririg, or opposing ihe, movement for Irish national .

liberation. ,.Geoff Bell's’ creden- ~ tials for the job are solid. An-irish socialist who has lived in England for many years, Bel! has maintained a consistent involvement in the trish solidarity movement.

Now active in the British Ladour Party, Bell's latest chaltenge to tna British Labotr movement is wellaimed.i. 2° °° The book is based on the premise that the ‘irish question’ is a criti-, cat one for British-sacialists — not just in terms of their responsibillties to their trish sisters and brothers, but in des grt to the healthy development of the iabour movement in Britain itself. Bc'l staies sharply that today, as in the days of Marx, the Chartists, and the Levellers, ‘“‘the fight for internationalism begins with Irctand."’ tot only is support for uncanditlonal and complete British withdrawa! an act of genuine solidarity with the Irish working class, it would also concretely advance the interests of the QGritish labour movement. For example, Northern -ireland would no longer provide a training ground for socurity methods which could eventually be used against the British working class.

Referring to the Malvinas War, he says ‘what was displayed so Clearly in that period was just how ~deep are the roots of national chauvinism In the British working class. The strength of this preju- -~dica makes socialism hard to imagins in Britain’. **... internationalism cannot be an occasional!

luxury ...’’ Bel! tackles the reticence of the British Jeft to deal with the ‘trish problem’ by approaching It as ‘the probiem of tr> British left’.

Aithough thore he: always Deen a minority curreni wi the British Lebour Party which hes teken a firm and principled stand for trish freadorn, ‘“‘the gonsral mood both at loacership level and in the rank and tite was one of indifierence.”” - Bsil outlines the currents of discuosion which developed and shaped the orientation of the feft gincs the beginning of the Civil Rights movement: the Commuist Party’s ‘ravoluticn by stages’ ‘theory; the ‘two-nations’ theory; “the freland Labour’ Party; tho. -Better calis for. 2@ Nortrern Lite for All’ campaign. None of these forinuias hea stood up to the realities of trich politics.

ia 1931, the British Lebour Party issusd its fire’ detailed staternent?

on ircland in over 60 years, Indicating, says Bell, that ‘Northern ireland had at fast come.in from the outer timits of British socialism and penetrated the corsciousness of the Lebour Party itseif’’.

Bett bsiloyes that this debate needs to be informed by the lessons of trish history and particu.

tarly those that cen./o around the tome Rulo crisis. At this time parliamentary majorities were ichorecd end the Britich ruling - class reverted hock to valience on lig army and other forces of lis state. A eetutory ieason for socialists evar swhere who rely on parliament a2 8 rons te progress.

Undertying his ergument that this ie not just an historical irrelevancy, Bell than refers to more recent examples of democratic norms being expediently dispensed with ag British rule in the North of ireland has been challenged since - 1969. : Bell credits the Republican Movement with having learnt these “from the lessons above all others. He lays the responsibility for the presenti armed conflict firmly at Britain’s door, an unequivocably and unconditionally defends the righ!

of the IRA to use whatever means they see fit to win their liberation. . This is a principled position and the fundamental issue for the solidarity movement in the oppressor nation. However, while putting the Fepublican Movements case, Belt seems to be unwilling ta.

differentiate himself from the.

" militaristic premises of — “Republicanism. He appears to more dismiss the effectiveness of electoral and other political tactics in favour of military ones: ‘‘The | Provisionals could hardly be |.

blamed for concluding that.if they”...

wanied to iftivence the British, — eiection successes were nothing compared to the power which came from the barrel of agun."" ‘The harsh truth is that violence lrish has evoked a response from the British, where- #& peaceful methods of protest tend to be greeted with. indifterence.’ We in Peoples .Democ- * racy would argue that the récent” electoral successes of Sinn Fein have advanced ihe struggie more ther the iRA’s mifitary campaign.

ke goes on to examine the relationship betwesn trish socialists and the national struggle, and here Bell makes a critical distinc- — tion, ae “To say that there has always been a democratic and internatlonalist strand within: trish Republicanism does nci necessarily make it socialist. What it does is allow a socialist element to exist within it, and potentially, to dominate it.”’ He acknowledges that there ere contradictions within the Republican Movement, specifically the contradiction between an expres- 900 desire for mass participatory politics and the secret conspiratorial nature of the 4ARA, but makes ‘‘a plea ... (the British left) not (fo judge) the Provisionals on the basis of its own tactics, strategy or obsessions."’ Me confronts the spectre of the ‘blcodbath theory’ and perhaps his most telling point which

. pare 23 shows up the weakness of loyal- ‘Ism is the question that in the event of a British withdrawal, what POLITICAL aim would a backlash have? While Geotfrey Bell makes a compelling case for a united Ireland, and for British socialists to piay an activa part in bringing it about, not ali his arguments are unassailable. While he refutes any notion that Britain's motives in ireland are honourable, he discounts any economic moiivatlon as a factor for continued * tr * involvement. Gritish interests in lreland are reduced to strategic ones, and the fear of an ‘irish Cuba’. it is a book which raises some questions which might not be answered in quite the same way by sccialisis in lreland. Overall, however, it puts the cause of a United Socialist Ireland to those who share a responsibility to fight for kt, the E@ritis® labour movement. And it is elcome for that contribuiion. * « *

A POVERTY OF

PHILOSOPHY

lreland and the European Communities, 10 Years af Membership. Edited by David Coomhas Macmillan, £20.00 Despite its price (£20), this book is a valuable handbook for Opponents of imperialism who want to research the EEC and @ tribuia io the considerable research work and = atatistical analysis by the Irigh academics who contributed to the series of articies. It is alco 2 monument to the dominance of imperialist idectogy in academic circles and their tallure to presant a serious polit analysis of Ireland's relationship with the EEC. In snite of this the book shows craphically the immense damicac that membership has done to the Irish — © lack of an ternative sir y among ths irish capitalist partias.

The absence of politicel analyels semetimes leads to laughe'ys results. The editer in fis intesduction-_suos—ons— miaartant issue being ireland es a small country in association with big countries. The nearect that we come to a political analysis is in the articie ; mis consequences of EE thip for Ireland’ (Alan Matthews) when a ‘structuralist’ Ja rightwing model of the EEC is contrasted with a ‘core-perichery’ le vaguely left-wing, mocol.

‘Given this overall ca) C momber-

INQUSTAY

political weakness tha main value of the beok is In the Individual areas of research covered by each article.

immediately a further giaring

WEAKNESS

inductrial development-the main argument put forward for membership — is not covered. A prime ares of secrecy — the exact level of ration and cantra!

exerci by multinational firms and their effecte cn the irish economy -~ is blandly ignored.

Cniy ‘Matihews’. article and ‘Regicnal and Social policies’ iJcon Hart anc Brigid Laffen) fiend with this iccus in very generej terms. both show a continuel decline in native industry, & continued ance on the Erit'sh market and a tendency for netive Inveteors to invest outside lroland. Multinational capital has cons nothing to meet the unemploymont crisis end is becoming moro and more unstabic. Maselve profits ts both native and multinational cacitalists ars at the cost of iralznd’s cconomic future,

AGRICULTURE

A aimilar story ie seen when you to transiaic the rather dificult fanguege of Fox and Keaney in impect of becomes evident.: the Common Agricultural Policy”.

Mascive profits have been made yet this has not led to any hmnprovement of the industry. Instead tite amall farmer is put undor increasing pressure and the working class face increased food prices.

INDEPENDENCE

Through ali the essays runs a real precccupation which reflect: the debate inside Southern cap.talism. Membership of the EEC meant a real surrender of national sovereignty. From their position of weakness irish capitalists heped that membership would enable them to perform a sort of ju-jitsu and become less depengent on &ritain. Membership would erode partition and in a European periiament ireland would find a greater independonss. in fact the EEC remains a ramshackle collection of nationstaiss bound together to ensure tho survival of capitalism and where the stronger nations prey yoon the weaker. Partition has not been eroded and now, through the Forum report and the Haagerup report, we see both rich capitalism and European bureaucracy desperately trying to preserve it. More generally Irish cneper: ty has eroded ali but the bare scraps of neutrality and: even led to a weakening of a traditional pollcy of anti-colonialism. NATO membership is delayed only by the capitalists’ Inability to seil it to the irish peopie, However it is clear from the book that the capitulation of irish capitalism to imperialism does not date from ontry inte the EEC but back to the Angio-lrish Frea Trade agreement ang beyond. The academics draw a graphic picture of collapse but are unable to offer any solution. This is hardly surprising in a book about ‘treland’ that deals only with the 26 Counties. However the book remains a valuable research too!.

Try arxi get it from your pubtic library or if you are rich buy it feb our panto: At the - : 2c2 $ its Most va! uabie cons inaion will De an analysis of public opinion showing grov- Ing hostlilty to the EEC, especially amveng the young.