Women's Movement at the Crossroads

THE WOMEN’S MOVEMENT

AT THE CROSSROADS

A PAMPHLET OF 00 PENCE

AN REABHLOID |

URNAL OF PEOPLES iigdet aa

AN REABHLOID

AN REABHLOID PAMPHLET

AN REABHLOID (The Revolution) is the political journal of Peoples Democracy. This is the [First in a series of pamphlets devoted to the politics of the women's liberation movement being produced by the Women's Department of P.D.

CONTENTS

THE IRISH WOMEN'S Today the Irish women's movement is at a cross MOVEMENT AT A CROSSROADS roads. The situation facing women in the latter part of the 80's is enormously different to that of the early 60's and 70's. Then, the women's movement, along with the socialist. trade union and anti-imperialist movements, were very confident.

Today all three are under attack, with a general shift to the right in the political climate. Women have suffered the most attacks, a situation mare easier by the demobilisation of the women's movement North and South.

The fundamental questions of strategy which faced women in the early ecrghties are still burning questions today and, as this article argues, must ber resolved through a period of discussion and debate involving the broad feminist movement and the anti-imperialist current.

FIGHTING AGAINST THE Justice Liam Hamilton's High Court verdict. which CLOSEDOWN OF THE led to the closing down of pregnancy counselling WUMEN'S CLINICS services run by Open Line and the Well Woman Centre, is a sweeping attack on women at many levels. Detailed analysis of the judgement shows it is a felom-setter's charter. opening the road to widespread censorship and attacks by the far-right on other oppressed groups. such as the gay community. The most effective strategy for feminists means building a mass defence campaign and socking active support from all organisations who oppose the Hamilton judgement. LESSONS FROM THE DIVORCE The defeat of the divorcee campaign illustrates once DEFEAT again the power of the catholic church and the inability of bourgeois and reformist partics to tackle it. Far [rom confirming the appropriate ness of partition the result reinforces the need to smash it. While criticising the weak role of republicanism ani arguing that women must rely on themselves. it demonstrates that an alliance of women, workers and the anti-imperialist movement is vital to this and every progressiwe struggle.

DEVELOPMENTS IN THE The criminal failure of the labour movement to EUROPEAN WOMEN'S support women adequately produces much I[rustration

MOVEMENT

among feminists about a ‘privileged men's movement’ in the trade unions.

Right-wing povernments and union leaders are cynically cxploiting this feminist resentment of the male-dominated world of work, arguing for a freeze on the wages of “high- paid* workers. This Sitategy, supported in Britain by the TUC and Furcecommunist -influenced radical feminists, disastrously takes pressure off the capitalists and deepens divisions in the workers’ movement.

THE WOMEN’S MOVEMENT

AT THE CROSSROADS

The Early Movement The late 60's and early 70's were years of growth and optimism for the women's movement and for Irish woeen. When the women's movement came onto the Streets in these years, it was an in-— Spiration to many thousands of - women.

It challenged all the underlying assumptions about women's role in history.

[It was a visible vibrant force which changed the consciousness .of women in all walks of life. [ce inevitably came inte conflict with all the powers of society: this posed at an early stage the problem of stra- Legy. Its weakness was ita Failure to understand the nature of Irish #ociety. The early feminist movement, both in the Worth and the South, saw Ireland as essentially like any other European country, except that the Church wlelded enormous power. They were, however, unable to explain the reason for he crippling hold of the Church.

In the Worth it was seen as one of the reactionary trappings of an over weaning Stermant parliament, without reference to the reason for Stormont 's very existence - partition. In the South it was viewed as a product of Catholic nationalism without reference to the historical roots of Castholic nationalism in the partition settlement.

Economic reasons were also given for the maintenance of backward volues and institutions - wunderdevelopment and the large agricultural ‘sector.

Thus the Irish women’s movement, like the main political parties, believed that opening up the [rish economy in the Sixties to foreign multinationals would, through modernisation, greatly diminish the power of the Catholic Church and bring Ireland into a new era of liberal democratic values and prosperity. The Trish middle class openly embraced this strategy and the women’s movement coming largely from the ranks of thia class, had no alternative perspective for winning rights for Irish women.

The Southern movement failed to see that despite nominal independence ITreland doesn't have the revenue of imper-— imlist countries, or have to respond to demands for democratic rights such AS equal pay and contraception.

They were unable to understand why the campaign for even limited contraception rights was such an uphill battle.

There was no state funding for the implementation of the 1979 Health Family Planning legislation and the women's movement was unable to affect the situation, In fact, the opening up of the economy didn't change the relationship of Ireland to Britain, and imperialism, in general it exacerbated our dependency and underdevelopment. There has been 8 constant drain of capital and revenue to the imperialist centres without any development for Irish Industry.

This policy has resulted in a huge public debt, hasssive unemployment and an accelerating erosion of democratic rights (Criminal Justice 6ill, Extradition Act, Section 31, Gonstitutional Prohibitions on ODiverce and Abortion). Parallel to this expectation of 'normal' European development in the 26 counties was the reformist strategy of ‘enlightenment’ in the 6 counties. The Stormont Parliament, dominated as it was by the medieval ethos of Ulster Unioniam, who, for example, were against the opening of public parks on Sundays (!), Was 85 restrictive to women in the 6 counties as the Catholic Church dominated 26 counties. Thus divorce was severely restricted, abortion illegal, nursery facilities for working women non-existent and there were many other simularities in terms of social and economic problems - low wage levels, type of jobs available, Church dominated schools and medical establishment.

The siddle class and reformist. strategy has to bring these ‘anomalies" between the position of women in the & counties and Britain to public attention and thus win ‘equal rights’ with &ritish women. Thus the Northern women's movement's strategy was pressure and exposure of women's problems to the more ‘enlightened’ sections of the Oritish establishment. In doing this, and organising as the &ritish movement did, feminism would grow and develop anlong British linea. The Failure of the Reformist Strategy The early movement [failed to develop aS expected and by the end of the 70's it was in decline and had become diffuse, The fragmentation of the movement into specialist areas such as FKape Crisis Centres, Women's Refuges, Health Cenbtres, and so on, occured without an essential political debate for Irish feminism: How could the women's movement confront forces ranged against it (partition, the Church, imperialism)?

Yet without a strategic view the ‘caraival of reaction" following partition (with especially harsh consequences for women) that James Connolly had Predicted, would go unchecked. Each unstable partitioned state was dependent on othe Church for ideological cover; this copperfastened the 2nd clase status of women in Irish society.

This straitjacket of Church, State control over women's lives cannot be broken cut of in a piecemeal fashion, or within each State. To attack the Church without attacking the State, to attack the State without attacking partition, is to disare the women's movement . The Anti-Imperialist Feminist Current This difficulty was understood by a small but significant layer of socialist feminists in the early movement who, on paper, had a strong anti-imperialism, anti-partition stance, But to develop a movement needs more than correct ideas, If it can identify ils enemies on paper, it must also work out how to build alliances in a struggle against them. The historic division between feminists and antiimperialists held back the development of a wide ranging debate on this until the Armagh Women Political Prisoners campaign, built by the Belfast Women Against Imperialism Group (WAI) took off in the late 7Us., The WAL Group faced up to the probles of the isolation of Irish feminism from the worker's and anti-imperialist movements by building an anti-imperialist feminist group. Thus it concretely. built alliances with those [Eighting partition and in so doling brought home the relevance of Eeminisa to those women fighting for a United Ireland, The Caspaign in Support of the Armagh Women Political Prisoners split the feminist movement. <A debate on the relevance of republicanism to feminism raged in all sections of the women's, anti-imperialist sovements, in the Press, and spilled over into the British women's movement. Qut of the debate emerged a new direc— tion = the organisation of women inside the anti-imperialist movement which coincided with increased activity of feminists in the workers" movement.

The strength of this new activity in the mass organisations is now reflected

in women's committees in uni recognition of women's role in ¢ ; and tenant struggles, the Sinn Fein Women's Department. There was also a push towards the developme of a 32 County feminist movement: not necessarily with «an agreed perspective, but at least to co-ordinate campaigns and publicity. Some extremely successful national, 32 county conferences were held in the late 70's, early BO"s; yet. the fragmentation of the movement on a day to day level continued to be the pattern.

The failure of the current to and assume a of the ant) — 2a per talist overcome its own divisions position of leade p women's movement meant that fragmented under the pressure of the larger. strike, It did not reappear as an organised current. While this does nol undermine the importance of the developments in different are: particularily the opening oF the Falla Road Women's Centre, it left «a ‘gap in the leadership of the fragmented feminist Lt toro forces. Fighting the Right Wing Offensive Hence the movement was poorly placed to Fight the right-wing oflensive As the recession deepened this of fensive gained momentum, Despite winning Limi ted guins in 5 pee fic areas, state-funding of projects and limited legislative relorm in the North under direct rule, the women's movement found itself in «a weaker position in the early 80's than at its inception in the carly 60"s. The rerightfeminism cession strengthened the hold of wing Forces in society and Lieok OF the t campaign without any 32 county movement or strong leadership behind it. anti-ae The ease with which the radical current was pushed aside during the campaign is evidence of this weakness. They were unable to make an effective challenge for the leadership of the Campoign, in part due to their sectarian approach to united action « because of their [failure to Fight for alliances with the workers’ movement and the anti-imperialist movement.

Their left posturing faciliated the reformists and pro-imperialists of the Labour Party and Fine Gael and le—Et them virtually unopposed as the leadership of the campaign.

Thus women were doc lors, lawyers, forced to rely on politicians and numerous respectable experts to defend thelr rights. The 2 amendments and the Joanne Hayes case have shown that this great body of respected establishment opin cannot and will not stand up to Chure which tg the power behind the attacks on w Nis The earlier periad the wom & move— ment also witnessed a section of the movement relying on bourgecis wndbe When an clement of the sovement joi the mainstrean establishment partios as the way forward the rest of the Women's Liberation Movement Felt ‘this was wrong, but criticised it for the wrong reasons. The criticisms were variously that they were becoming involved in male hierarchical, patriarchal parties che, Some of this is obviou ¥ true. The real crit aM» however , ft that they ore joining parties that were anti-democratic from .theis inception and were tied to and dependent on the Church, committed to working within each partioned statelet. ‘Thus they would not challenge the Chure h's role in making the legal and constititionsl basis of the identical to Church dogma. states Today the oppression ol is much sharper and more ro than in the Wine

SE VE

period when the original women's move nent developed. The cuts in social welfare, unemployment and the general worstning of peoplo’s basic living Standards have forced tenes of thousands ol women to @ pPasition where Che Le hacks are apainst the: wall. Of the three main sectors. of the oppre in Ireland - the working clogs, the anti-imperialist movement anid women — the latter have suffered the sanost backs. In this political climate the right wing, the ‘moral majority’ led by -SPUC (Seciety for the Protection of the Unborn Child), backed by the Church and right wing establishment, have mounted & series of vicious attacks on the already limited rights of in the 26 counties. rome nh 3 on Catholic moral grounds - the witch hunt against Joanne Hayes tribunal women in the = the right wing campaign in the media against ‘unmarried mothers" - the mew ethics code for teachers, deactors and nurses - the anti-gay hysteria being orchestrated against persons with AIDS.

the divorce referendum and the SPUC campaign to shut down the abortion referral services of the women’s- clinics are the The defeat of fain attacks being Carried ovkt by reactionary right wing forces. The response from the women's movement Lo these altecks has been very partial and limited, The activity during the Eileen Flynn case maloly centered arouni raising funds for the legal costs.

The feminists who had mobilized in solidarity with Joanne Hayes c their pickets of the tribunal aed hewr ings when threatened with contempt of court, This was a Bistake and the outcome of the wis a victory for the State and the "heavy gang" and a blow opgainst oll women. Not surprisingly the Tralee group, who had organised so courageously in defence of Joanne were demoralised with the whitewash job of the Tribunal and the group has since col lapscd . Feainist input inte the ee wil Saal ’ a pro-divorce nintacule, SPUC Attacks on Women's Rights The. first mejor goin for Right has. the coppertia anti-abortion cla into, the tion with the passage of the Amendment. in [9835. This laid the for a more peneralised offen: ground ive against wonen and the Right sought to make their Victory more concrete by cstablishing precedents. Examples include: - the dismissal of teacher Eileen i lynn What Future Growth for Feminise?

therelore that the women! a Lake stock of its posii ms it faces, P.D. argued that because of the effect of partition and imperia— list domination on Irish women's Lives there will not be any mass sovement Ireland as it did in Tt as evident novencnt has to Lion Th the in Lhe past has developing in Britain and elaewhere in Europe. This ig because -the economic, social and political preconditions [or that mass mavement differ from those-in the advan

movement is small weak. So dt is crucial ind isolated layer to struggles of the he struggle for such an orientely Cragment, car from the arena the struggles Class, in the aying 1 5 le. Hecause f pecit- 1S ture of the women's movement and its politically heterogenous characer It af fd from making a clear ana Hf women"s 5 ion in Irish i T he at revolutioni play in Vement is cent— ae Brew Lanary lGanlersni p becomes moet gual fort future but almost 3 5 day problem of development.

5 been a tnessed in the Contra- Defend the and in the in the only in Che nised In tt during and others @hli-inperialist Wie 2. nave played the Leading role. These women have understood the funda— between the pental link women's liberation and struggle and see the indivigibility of all struggles for democratic rights.

However, & weakness of Republican women is that they have not adequately understood the need and importance for the auLGnOMOUSs Women's movement.

struggle anti-imperialist Refors or Revolution Thus if the vicious attacks on women's rights in he 1980"s anything they show the need for women to fight the system olf i upholding Church's power. Not only will estahli Sn0W partits ment and refor the Churcl St parties not challenge ey will lead women up the blind alley of Fighting for reform within each partioned statelet. In the long run, this would only demoralise women stru ling on different i social, prevent the developmen t Lees | economic, political, and t of » 32 county maa ¥ Ome leadership af the women The development of such a 32 county leadersh is not something that will the women's movement devea precondition for the fur ther development of that movement.

This leadershi from any one group of only to emerge if an open and democratic del 5 Enpaped in by all those build an anti-imperialist pP will nal Come women, It will Fighting to women's movement. Any attempt to get to grips with how woe build ch @ movement ust start by recognising that despite progress in beth the anti -imperialist and the feminist mts, the historic have divisions between them still obstruct the struggle to build a strong leadership.

AS tribution to this process P.D.

if preparing a seminar at the end of 1987) to «study our history and that dominated will hve of other women in imperialis contries. In particular we role of women looking at t inside these revolutionary struggles.

A seminar of this nature is duc. We hope that it will long overrevitalise a debate that has largely been ignored Since the hunger strike. Perhaps the most important 1 to emerge from defeats of the women's movement ls that we can to ignore it no longer, a recent

Q DEFEND THE CLINICS

The High Court judgement against the rights against women who have abortions has ¢ ribed tl ruling as a ‘witchpregnancy counselling service of the becomes a real possibility. Under the hunters charter’, [t Ri¥ a green ‘Ll Woman Centre and Open Line Counsel- flences Against The Person's Act [561 light For felon setting entrapment ling marks a watershed in the attacks A woman attempting to abort herself faces by bigots such as SPUC. It is the most on women's righta. The fundamental right life imprisonment and anyone heiping Significant for the ‘moral if freedom of information and choice hec to procure an abortion 5 years. The ma jor it to date.

has been denied by the judgement, the Act, vhich is reaffirmed in the Hamilton whole ust of which is to create a Ruling, represents the most anti-abortion climate of Fear and intimidation amongst legislation to be found anywhere in the Proscribing the ri of women to Women rights are completely civilized world, The 1861 Act is a piece discuss all aspe of their red in the judgement. In his summation of old British legislation and is an undermines solidarity between tice Hamilton stated that the ruling example of how the old colonial oppressive creates the conditions w t have to have regard for the equal ceystem has not been dismantled, but just mal women ¢an be intimids right to life of the mother. Pape after taken over. It is a prime example of ther isolated. The High Gourt reiterates the rights of the unborn how the failure to break with imperial ment if implemented literally c sen’s rights. Abortion is -seen effects women's lives. mean a@ distressed pregnant woman cowl as evil and wrong in every repard,"it is not get information on abortion [roa contrary bo nate policy, public moral- The judgement raises very serious quest- her closest friend without pa over wo ity, contrary to law, both common and ions with regard to freedom of informa— a ‘criminal conspiracy’. The j statue law" and to the Constitution. tion and speech. The right of informa- has implications far beyond pre cy the life of the unborn is seen as ‘a tion is seen as a qualified right counselling in that it 5 the precesacred tr hich all organs of gov- in this case qualified by the rights dent. for a broader denial of informat ior snd their support". The of the unborn. The foetus now has a and an extension of censorship to other hat abortion is murder runs through veto over what women can discuss. Page areas. This has always been the inte the whole judgement with the aim being 42 states: ‘the qualified right to tien of e far right. By attacking protect the [oot an a living human privacy, the rights of association the least protected and establist om the ab moment of its and Ereedom of expression and the right rights - those of women - it lays 1 ception. ‘consequent Ly to disseminate information cannot be basis for [further attacks on the de the right to life foetus, the invoked to interfere with such a funda- cratic rights of all the oppre unborn, is afforded protect Lon mental right as the right to life of sectors of society. The ju ment {roa the date of its conception’. the unborn which is acknowledged by given SPUC new Largets to chase, the Gonstitution of Ireland’. Not sur- implies that gay persons seeking Erie Because of the emphasis -in the judgement prisingly, Eadar Asmal, President of ships through adverts in the per: 1 | on the rights of the Foetus over women's the Irish Gouncil for Cicvil Liberties columns of newspapers could be conspir

6 ing to corrupt public norals. Gn the question of whether the clinics were corrupting public morals Justice Hasil— ton left it up to a jury court to decide the issue. SPUC are not yet in a positien to launch such a trial or it would quickly turn into an Inquisition against all women and would show SPU up a6 the. reactionary, bigots they are and turn the tide of public opinion firmly against them. The Compaign — Stralery and ‘Tasks The tasks facing the campaign flow from the analysis ve aake of the present period. The defeat suffered in the 1984 Amendment campaign, the divorce defeat. and the generalized attacks on the status of women means, 35 WOOEn, we are on the defensive. The working class and anti-imperialist movement have also pushed back but unlike the Women's Movement neither have suffered any major defeats. However, the defeats inflicted on the Woman's Hovement are not due to any great strengthening of the institutions of power in the Irish society. The massive unemployment, powerty and repression has led to a loss of belief by a section of the population in the visbility of the present system. The intensity of the political, economic and social naderained. the power oF Church and State. This is the background against which the defense of the clinics is being conducted. Therefore the methods of siruggle and the slogans we adopt are crucial if we are to regain the initiative and stop the SPUC offen- BLVEs beer crisis has Single Lsswe Compai gn The campaign must be a single issue miss saclion campaign in. defence of the full ¢linics services. It muat be bread based and non-exclusive in character. So one, no organization is cexcluded a8 long “4 they support the ales of the campaign, It must hee orgunized along democratic lines. The campaign slogans and orientation must seize upon the weakest. link in the enemies’ chain of defence. The weakest Link im the chain is the denial of intorestion tao wooeh ~ in this case information on abortion. Tf is around the question of {reedom of inforaation that we can best challenge all the political. forces in irish society.

fourgenis democracy peides itself on freedom of inforaation and speech, the Free State Constitution acknowledges these rights yet they ore denied to Women. We must nol adopt. the approach af overloading the struggle before it gets of f the ground. People's Denocracy, like the majority of activists in the campoign is in favour of women having the right to choose abortion in Ireland but that cannot be the basis of che campaign. Rather, wo seek to win this round of the struggle against SPUC = and re-eatablish the referral services of the © nics: It is only by pushing back this latest offensive and making the judgement againat the clinics unwerkable that we can create the conditions in which a broader strug— gle for vomen's tights is possible.

Through the clinics campalgn, Me will, as in the abortion amcridment campaigns vin mony new people over to a Fight to cheose position. Building, the United Front tt is vital for us to have a clear what is meant by. 4 broad campaign. Some arguments a5 put forvard in the campaign would Jimit particijataon down to the rank -and file activists and exclude the organizea— tions of the trade whion movement OF other representative although reformist orpanizations. These should never be counterposed « understanding of Of course it would be the best thing.

in. the world if we were abie to rally wonen and the ranks of the working class around our campaign and skip over the reformist organizations such as Dublin Trades Council, the Irish Council Lor Civil Liberties and sectlore ai the reformist/bourgeois women "8 movement. Unfortunately there are HO short cuts. Refusing ‘to preasurise these organizations for their support allows them [to continue posing 35 the leadership of the women's and workers!

movement without fighting for their ecmbers’ interests, for the working class people they claim to represent.

Part of the struggle of the clinics campaign is surely to begin the bask leadership for the ignoring the pre= of building | oe women's movement « By sent leaderships ef the women's and trade union sovement and calling for a rank and Eile campalgn on t he clinics ia in reolity accepting the atatus quo. This campaign 16 the acid test which will be the divide between those who support ‘women ‘s rights and iene: who doen't. ALT who claim support for women's or democratic F ighta should pot be let off the hook. Ignoring the “present tedecships’ does aunctly this.

By adopting © united front appreach we can win this round of the strugele.

supporters outside. the Four Cours Qur best will allies in the be Found kere” are They are in the front line in the strug- United Fro in the ranks of the woranti-imperialist movement .

gle against appression and readily identify with us. The tremendous solidarity displered by anti-imperislist vonen in the Six Counties with the clinics campaign should be an inspiration to us all. Building 3 New Leadership for the Women 5 Hovernent A potable feature of the campaign is that it has the effect of regrouping the core of the Women's Movement which has been atomized in recent yours.

For these women the Hamilton Judgement was the last stra. It is understandable that. for many women the “Defend the Clinics’ campaign itself is perceived almost 45 4 relaunch of the Women "s Movencnt. In one sense it is just that.

The clinics campaign can be a springheard for relaunching the Women's Move— aent on a sounder basis. But a relaunch of the Women's Hovement cannot be con— tained within a single issue campaign such as the ‘Defend the Clinics Campaign®. If the debate on the broad jesues of the woren's movement are raised within the campaign they tend to be counterposed to the single issue and mixed nature of the campaign. The restructuring of the Women's Movement can only be accomplished by coming to grips with past failures anid setbacks. For this 4 period of discussion essential, This ust happen alongside the clinics campaign and will only be posaible in 50 far as the clinics campalan {s successful, It is our task to make the High Court Ruling unworkable and regain the initiative From SPUC and the right.

and debate is Through this process a real leadership for the Women's Kovement will be built, one which is based smong working class ane anti-imperialist women. on

LESSONS FROM THE

DIVORCE DEFEAT

When Archbishop McNamara compared the possible introduction of divorce to the Chernobyl nuclear disaster he let everyone know what the Catholic church regarded as the stakes in the divorce referendum. For many women it was scarcely an cxageeration, For all women it is a ng setback and one also for the struggle for a united Ireland for the struggle for a united Ireland and the struggle of the working class against austerity. The result of the referendum (63% to 37% against the introduction of divorce) shows above all the complete incapacity of bourgeis forces in Ireland to deliver basic democratic rights to Irish women. It demonstrated in particular their incapacity to stand up tothe church.

Was the result inevitable, or could the limited measures proposed in the referendum have been won under a different campaign leadership? This article argues that not only could the vote have been won but that a major ideological and political victory could have been scored against the Catholic church and right wing reactionary forces in Ireland.

in the media and in political circles the result has been widely proclaimed as a massive defeat. It is certainly a major gain for the right and gives them the green light to go on a full scale attack against women and other oppressed groups.

But the result also shows that there is a substantial minority -in lreland who refuse to accept Catholic church diktats and if organised could have a big impact in challenging the right wing offensive. The anger and alienation felt by many who yoted ‘Yes’ must be given a focus and used constructively otherwise it will turn into real demoralisation and despair.

THE CAMPAIGN

The Government announced its intention in early May to hold a referendum to remove the constitutional ban on divorce before the Dail recess in late June. Throughout the campaign Fine Gael did almost nothing to get the referendum passed unwilling to risk a confrontation in their own ranks and amongst their traditional supporters in rural areas. But they could hardly have believed that a short campaign would mean the anti-divorce forces following their example and doing nothing, It appears that the decision to hold the referendum like this had more to do with narrow political selfinterest than in dealing with the problem of marital breakdown.A victory in the referendum, which the opinion polls predicted, would have increased the Government's popularity , in the run-up to the next general election and would have promoted Garrett's ‘constitutional crusade’.

The other Coalition party, the Labour party, was only slightly less opportunistic. They did canvass in some areas; in those where they had lost electoral support and in particular in the Dublin region. However in Dick Spring's constituency in Kerry they failed to mount any campaign at all, It was left mainly to the Divorce Action Group (DAG), the group fighting for divorce rights, to mobilise support and win the vote. DAG had been in existence for several years and it was ina good position to lead a national campaign. Numerous opinion polls had shown approximately 60 - 70% of the electorate in favour of divorce yet DAG failed to turn this support into votes. It has explained this failure as duc to the vicious campaign of distortion and fear ran by the Anti-Divorce campaign and to their own lack of organisation. In fact the success of the anti-divorce canpaign and the failure of DAG are symptoms of the underlying political weakness of the pro-divorce campaign. DAG refused to address itself to the forces who could have won the campaign - the working class in general and women and youth in particular. The anti- divorce campaign did, by playing on the fears of thousands of women that they would have no means of financial support if divorced by their husbands (ignoring the as many as 70,000 women already deserted). It appealed to youth by ridiculing a referendum on divarce when what was really needed was work. A reactionary and unpopular Government dedicated to cutting welfare and jobs was reli¢d upon to rebut these arguements! The launching rally of the campaign in liberty hall gave a good indication of the politics of the people heading up DAG and the shape the pro-divorce campaign would take. The platform consisted of speakers from all the Leinster House parties. Missing from the platform were speakers from the women's, workers and anti-imperialist movements. The Labour party speakers welcomed the restrictive nature of the proposed amendment and emphasised that Labour would only support restrictive divorce legislation. This theme was supported by Fine Gael and the Progressive Democrats.

Throughout the campaign they argued that divorce legislation must be restrictive to protect the family. The Divorce Action group unfortunately accepted this argument right from the start,

THE ARGUMENT

The whole debate on the family was handed over to the rightwing sectarian forces in the Anti-Divorce campaign, The pro-divorce lobby never challenged the idealised view of the family put forward by the right. The notion of the family as a loving caring unit is very far from reality for many Irish families. The increase in the separation rate and marital breakdown and the growth in the number of women facing violence in the home are all-evidence of the serious crisis which the family is going through. This crisis is also reflected in the number of battered children and the increase in the number of children born to single women. The most recent evidence showing the reality as opposed io the myth of the Irish family was provided by the most recent issue of ‘Magilf Magazine which caried a report showing that in 1] in 4 families there is child sexual abuse, The idea of the family as a relationship which institutionalises womens oppression was completely absent from the campaign.

DAG didn’t argue for divorce as a civil right - its propaganda was a mirror image of Labour and Fine Gael’s. They argued for divorce on compassionate grounds which had the effect of making women appear as victims and separated people as failures. Divorce as a civil right respecting the independence

8 and freedom of the individual was hardly referred to.

Demanding the right for women and men to take control over their lives would surely have encouraged more to vote yes.

Projecting separated people as unfortunates and failures needing compassion had the effect of strengthening the antidivorce campaign arguments - the hard-pressed taxpayer would be called on yet again to support these unfortunates.

THE CHURCH

But fundimentally the liberals in the pro-divorce lobby refused to challenge the Catholic church's powerful intervention into the anti<livorce campaign. The insertion of the clause whereby marrages had to have failed for 5 years was a concessionary sop to the Bishops. The government hoped that such restrictions would prevent the church hierarchy from actively opposing the referendum. The government was only prepared to counter the church in the most cautious and cowardly way since Fine Gael and the canitalist class they represent depends on the church to maintain social control and order in society. The anti-divorce campaign supported by the church ran a vicious campaign every arguement was used to intimidate and frighten people.

The pulpits became political platforms and the few clergy who supported the referendum were silenced. The divorce campaign, like the 1984 anti-amendment campaign, shows the tremendious power which the church still holds in Ireland and it shows that this power will not gradually fade away. It will have to be consistently confronted and fought against something which the ‘two nationists’ of the Labour and Workers patties refuse to accept.

The notion put forward by the revisionists of the Workers party and their allies is that with the opening up of the Irish economy to multi-national capitalist industry and the subsequent development of a latge working class Ireland had gradually since the 60's become a modern bourgois democracy. This has been shown by the divorce referendum to be utter nonsense. Prionsais De Rossa of the Workers party, speaking at the DAG launching rally, welcomed the referendum claiming that our ability to hold the referendum showed the extent ‘> a —_ ¥ h ve Ou RE pa a? se: Leixtip: Christ versus civil rights to which we were now truely a democracy like other European bourgeois democracies. Yet Ireland in the only country in Europe where the church exerts such a tremendious influence. He made no effort to explain this.

The reality is that the power and influence of organised religion is a feature of all countries which have been dominated by imperialism, In lreland the Catholic church's specific power lies in its historic political association with the struggle of the Irish people to free themselves from centuries of British rule. But its power is also dependent upon imperialism and partition. The completely opportunistic and hypocritical assertion by the church of being on the side of the people has given it a central ideological and * political place in the life of the 26 counties. It has been ‘on the side of the people’ when it stood to gain some concessions for the church but when the establishment came under threat it then changed. This history has permitted it to dominated State policies for a long time and to have its social and moral teachings written into the Free State constitution.

THE 1937 CONSTITUTION

In some respects an analogy can be drawn with the events surrounding the 1937 constitution. Margaret Ward in her book ‘Unmanageable Revolutionaries’ pointed out that the result of the referendum held on enacting the constitution showed a lukewarm acceptance of it. In fact voting patterns.

in 1937 were similiar to the recent diverce results with approximately 35% voting against the constitution. She argued that if Cumann na Mban had mobilised tts residual support the outcome could have been a decisive defeat for De Valera. The striking common feature of 1957 and today is that the same social forces are united in their opposition to democratic tights for women - the church, the catholic nationalists of Fianna Fail and the traditionalist right of Fine Gael. The campaigns of the two periods experienced similiar obstacles for example in the schism between the Feminist and Republican movements was seen in the divorce campaign as it was in the 1937 anti-constitution campaign.

THE LEADERSHIP NEEDED

If we retum to our original question, could the campaign have been won by a different leadership, we must ask where this alternative was. The proclaimed leadership of the working class, the Irish Congress of Trade Unions, declared their support for the amendment and produced a leaflet for their members encouraging them to vote ‘Yes’. Donal Nevin however declared that they did not seek to ‘confront’ the Catholic church. Having surrendered to the opposition right away the movement refused in reality to mount an. active campaign, The potential power of the union movement was not mobilised, the bureaucracy which leads it were afraid to do so. No such timidity affected Fianna Fail. While officially declaring a neutrality it in practice made no bones about its position. Ina further retreat into Catholic nationalism it stood quite clearly for the maintenance and strengthening of Church-State relations. While Fine Gael has sought to protect the family and Free State capitalism through modernising legislation, basing itself on the liberal middle class, Fianna Fail as the states most sucessful party has understood that the best protection is in reinforcing the Catholic church and Catholic nationalism - the traditional social and ideological props of the Free State capitalist class.

Fianna Fail’s identification of republicanism with catholic nationalism made it more imperative that the Republican movement provided a loud and consistently secular republican voice to combat this. By and large however they failed. Their ‘Yes' campaign was low key and localised with no national impact. It asked those of its supporters who opposed divorce to at least not vote ‘Ne’. Instead it should have strongly declared that consistent republicanism demanded that they vote ‘Yes’... That the Republican movement's approach failed is shown by the fact that in the border counties where it has significant support many of its supporters voted ‘Ne’, It missed a unique opportunity to” demonstrate to the Irish working class and especially to women that the struggle for a United Ireland is indivisible from the struggle for women's rights and the rights of all the oppressed, The movement clearly did not understand the importance of it identifying with this particular struggle for democratic rights, exposing the hypocrisy of the Coatition parties and the teactionary stance of the Fianna Fail ‘Republicans’, By identifying itself with all struggles for democratic rights it can begin to create a situation where in turn these struggles are identified with it, Until then it will not be in a position to rally all the oppressed behind its banner and will fail to make the alliances with the only forces that can achieve national freedom - the working class and the oppressed.

One initiative was taken by a number of anti-imperialist feminists involving members of Peoples Democracy.

9 A public meeting was organised in order to bring into the campaign an anti-imperialist, feminist voice and to publically call for all republicans, socialists and feminists to actively mobilise for a ‘Yes" vote.

Unfortunately this was only a small event which could only point the way for larger forces to follow. That they did not points up perhaps the most immediate and fundamental lesson to be learned from the referendum failure - that women cam only rely on themselves. Just as Ireland must free itself and the working class can only be free through its own struggle so women can only guarantee their own liberation through their own activity.

THE FALLOUT

‘MOST MEDIA ATTENTION IN THE North and Britain has focussed on the damage that the ‘No’ vote has done to the Anglo-lrish agreement. The unionists led by Paisley have used the result to-claim that the agreement 15 on 115 last legs because it shows the South's unwillingness to make concessions to Protestants and thus encourage a , united Ireland. That the Northern fundamentalist Protestant also opposed divorce is quietly ignored.

Nevertheless the vote signifcantly damages the credibility of Fitzgerald's “Constitutional, his support fer a ‘new Ireland’ and the democratic gloss on the throughtly reactionary Hillsborough deal. Not only has it failed to deliver anything substantial to Nationalist workers in the North. it has failed the cause of democracy in the South.

The marxist analysis of Peoples Democracy is confirmed in that those who deny the struggle for national liberation are incapable of delivering on civil rights. This is one of the messages that anti-imperialists must drive home both North and South following the referendum.

The most immediate fallout from the referendum defeat is the continued offensive of the right. Their next target is the Clinics which provide pregnancy councilling and abortion referral facilities: At present they are taking court action against the Well Women Centre in Dublin. All those whe voted “Yes’ must now rally to the defense of the clinics including DAG who must be convinced that divorce is not an issue separate from the rest of the struggles confronting women, The campaign to defend the clinics must be open tc all who for whatever reason support them staying open.

This however cannot be the political basis of the clinics campaign. It is high time a clear line was drawn and a restatement was made of the principles which the women’s movement have stood for. Thus we must be quite clear that 11 is the right of women to control their own fertility, their own bodies and their own lives which is the nub of the issue in the clinics campaign. The right wing has denied the right ol women to abortion in their own country, now they intend tc stop women exercising their choice elsewhere. It is on thi: issue which all those claiming to stand for women’s rights ang freedom generally must take a stand on. In partiwular the anti-imperialist movement must take the initiative in defending the clinics and in attempting to win over and mobilise the people who voted yes in the referendum. We must learn the lesson that avoiding the real arguments and issues as happened in the divorce campaign will not lead to victory. Peoples Democracy will play its part in trying to advance the clear political lead which is now necessary following the divorce defeat and will be launching a propaganda campaign demanding the separating of church and state, A special responsibility also rests on the Republican movement to put Ard Fheis policies on these issues into practice. As we have said already however above all, women must rely on themselves first and foremost! td]

10 The Fourth International and the Women's Liberation Movement l. The Fourth International has supported the autonomous Women's Liberation Movement since its rise. 2. The -Fourth International sees the value of such a movement to identify its own oppression and to pressurise the labour movement from without.

3. The Fourth International calls on the Women's Liberation Movement to ally itself with the Labour Movement and for women to become involved in the organized politics of the labour and anti-imperialist movements.

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DEVELOPMENTS IN THE

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WOMEN’S MOVEMENT

Changing Structure of the Workforce During the sixties and seventies equali- Ly legislation was introduced by wai ious ropean governments in line with the anging socialfeconomic position of wee. © | hese however, have nel TE elfcets al the economic crisis in the capitalisl countries sand Loday are laws, Protected [rom the Women more cxploited. However, it's not like the is when women were pushed out of the workplace Altogether. On the centrary, the number of women carners has increased, employed in part-time, temporary work and mainly schor andl service indust— wane hut many are casual and km Che pe iblic = f hers. During the Last Lvenk¥ years Lhere lhe been an increaso in this Lype of work. Lt is: low pesid-and largely non=unionised., Married women and single parents, Lied Lo domestic responsibilities, are forced to: take these kind of jebs and they are preferred by cm ployers who sec thea as o more Clexible able — wor cEorce, = that is more pana therefore, are faced parmins. The desire a eeeel employment by women is risi Lheir atus din the labour market is falling. Women Form a greater percentage of the low-paid than m This situation is aggravated by cuts in socthal welfare - for example the wtlioan afl childcare and hospital sion. Lwese increase women's bhur= al home, making it even more diflfito enter the labour markel on wil basis with men, Trade Union Response Unfortunately, the trade union leaders have let this situation go on. To Fight apoinst it it's necessary that woeen he on an en footing with men aa workers: The following demands been proposed: have ®* fights for +omen's por ced jobs must be supno 6 hour day with no loss of pay * part-tise workers sould be unionised union etetings to be held in work Lime 4 women encouraged to be stewards * maternity! paternity loave for all equal pay and « guaranteed wage 07 cn Lesed fer people with dependents * no seaual/racioal harrassment at work * positive action in training and re cruitment * free daycare for all children to age > The War of Ideas apainst Ween Leaders ploy— racism, The Esilure of the trade union to challenge governments on unc ment hos Jed to an sexism and anti-pay people 'softened-up' increase in hysteria. Working through fear of inyed @re more ready to the blame on ‘foreigners", gays and = women he latters ‘real place is in the home"! ‘oliticians like ag) and are determined to “dhe puted be expen diture, to "turn he clock back" tr pre-wellare do this they need to place ly centre-stage.. A family, er cares fo the children, the sick ond the old unpaid; a family which is ‘stable’ and can control the intreasing - soc ial oon! Liet cancel hy unemployment ; a i ly responsible for imposing Street moral ¢ on he children. This is Lhe Lye Temi Ly posed by thie Group set up hy Lor Por Special Family | cher in irilain. Caring family. ia women‘s primary role.

hig is their most lhey are told 1 the: idea that Lan jal, they ore only secondary, ot marginal ,ir

12 the workforce. This then justifies the cut-backs; the reduction and privatisation of secial services, of nursery facilities; the reduction of maternity leave and the testriction on unemploy= ment benefits. Fertility Control To fulfill the aim of keeping women subordinate the fight winged forces internationally have been trying systomatically to remove abortion and reproductive rights, In Britain, Cor example, the 1957 Act has been challenged since its introduction. There have been battles in the majority European cities around abortion legislation.

Reagan gave Cull backing to the Pro-Life Movement during his last election campaign. - A whole ‘Pro-Life’, pro motheralternative has t 1 promoted, ing on the legitimate dowbts women ive expressed aboul the Pill and reproductive bochnology. Foul Buch of the movement through the to the present activity of the women's seventies and up has focussed on defending this ‘bas ‘right to choose’. Women know that to control their lives they need conkrol over their fertility.

Containing the Women's Liberation Movt.

liberation movement, like is being prevented The women's he labour movement, from making further progress by monetarist governments and has to spend much of its energy nowadays defending these few rights which have been won.

Meanwhile the political establishment b Lo absorb the impetus of the the Movement, whose chal— ideas reflected the deep social women were undergoing. ye of Wanen hove increasingly been able to enter the lields of higher education the Media. Sociol services which cater uliy for women's needs, such battercd wives’ refuges and sore centres, have received state funding. The effect has been to undermine the independence of these projects and incorporate them into the system.

Women "5 departments and ministries have been get up in countries like Ireland and France to advise the governnent how toa) c ain women's demands, In Europe overall there has been an lecrease in the number of women in rl it and local councils, partly of quotas and positive action.

poste in health and social services are bring re: rved for women Eeminist organisations receive funding from labour councils.The danger, however, if that women entering a poli- Lore rmnnn whi le tical ‘career’ may lose touch with women in the unions and the community who they @re suppos to represent.

Policy of the EFuroecomunists The left ‘of the Lak been slow to respond to women Eor equality. ir movement has the demands This has left the way who have open for the Eurocommunists influenced the radical feminists and the socialist-feminist wing of the Women's Liberation Movement Since the «id-seventles. They claim the labour movement is a ‘menk mowement' with no interest in women's rights and that women are disadvantaged in pay and opportunities because of the ‘privileged' male workers. They ignore the restrictions placed on the labour movement asa whole by governments. An exam— ple from Britain shows where this disastrows policy leads. Following a "feminist incomes policy’ argument the TOC resolved on «a mininum wage for all workers tied to a wages (freeze on the "high-paid' workers! This policy turns worker against worker and drives down the Living standards of the labour movement -at a whole.

It presenta oo challenge to the governmont, whose policies are responsible for unemployment , low pay, ele.

The Feminization of Poverty Governments are aware of radical feminist resentment towards the sale—dominated world of work so they use this to encourage women to ‘rediscover’ the ‘world of women’ - the world of the home. The radical feminist call For recognition and appraisal of what women do at home has been taken up by govern— ments like the Christian Democrats in Germany who issued a policy document encouraging women to ‘see che world from oa women's Viewpoinl ... Lo forego aivantages ... to make do with scarcer meons ... caring for people's needs.'

In other words: to surrender their rights. The right; and the "Moral Majority’ have no interest in progress for women as 8 sex. But they are prepared to ube the grievances of the women's movement to advance their own policies.

To remain truly liberationist, to guard against adapting to backward governennt policy, Feminists must see their oppres- Sion in its social context and ally themselves with the labour movement.

New Forces anid the Recomposition of the Women "ss Li beration Bovement The woaen"s movement throughout Europe has unieipgone a4 transformation since the early seventies when there were Structured national Feminist networks.

These hove now declined although the ideas of the Women's Liberation Movement romain influential, Despite this women have organized massively ar ound polltical issues like abortion and nuclear disarmament. They have fought for increased political representation and have promoted the self-organization of women within these organisations as « means of securing women's interests. Large numbers of feminists have entered organized politics, unions and social democratic parties. They have taken with them the debates and forms of organization of the Women's Liberation Movement - raising issues like abortion and sexual harassment. Overall the labour movement has gained from this as the trend has been for women cto wote increasingly in favour of left parties and within those parties to advance radical policy. In Britain, for example, the Labour Party Women's Conference has been adopting radical policies on issues like Ireland, HATO, the Falklands War ctc. in opposi tion to the bureaucracy. In the unions women have played a vital role in the battle against austerity and to defend jobs. In Britain they formed « national movement - Women against Pit Clos ures - to defend tt Hiner 's strike. In Germany, the SPD has been forced, through the "Women's Lists", to increase the oumber of women on its national leadership while in the Greene thers are autonomous women's caucuses anil currently an all women leadership in their Parliamentary Fraction.

Mack and immigrant women are organizing in Lritain and in Germany and their ingights on issues like colonial exploitation, the police and abortion enrich the understanding of the Women's Libera- Lion Movement overall. a

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