The Irish women's movement at a crossroads

THE WOMEN’S MOVEMENT

AT THE CROSSROADS

The Early Movement The late 60's and early 70's were years of growth and optimism for the women's movement and for Irish woeen. When the women's movement came onto the Streets in these years, it was an in-— Spiration to many thousands of - women.

It challenged all the underlying assumptions about women's role in history.

[It was a visible vibrant force which changed the consciousness .of women in all walks of life. [ce inevitably came inte conflict with all the powers of society: this posed at an early stage the problem of stra- Legy. Its weakness was ita Failure to understand the nature of Irish #ociety. The early feminist movement, both in the Worth and the South, saw Ireland as essentially like any other European country, except that the Church wlelded enormous power. They were, however, unable to explain the reason for he crippling hold of the Church.

In the Worth it was seen as one of the reactionary trappings of an over weaning Stermant parliament, without reference to the reason for Stormont 's very existence - partition. In the South it was viewed as a product of Catholic nationalism without reference to the historical roots of Castholic nationalism in the partition settlement.

Economic reasons were also given for the maintenance of backward volues and institutions - wunderdevelopment and the large agricultural ‘sector.

Thus the Irish women’s movement, like the main political parties, believed that opening up the [rish economy in the Sixties to foreign multinationals would, through modernisation, greatly diminish the power of the Catholic Church and bring Ireland into a new era of liberal democratic values and prosperity. The Trish middle class openly embraced this strategy and the women’s movement coming largely from the ranks of thia class, had no alternative perspective for winning rights for Irish women.

The Southern movement failed to see that despite nominal independence ITreland doesn't have the revenue of imper-— imlist countries, or have to respond to demands for democratic rights such AS equal pay and contraception.

They were unable to understand why the campaign for even limited contraception rights was such an uphill battle.

There was no state funding for the implementation of the 1979 Health Family Planning legislation and the women's movement was unable to affect the situation, In fact, the opening up of the economy didn't change the relationship of Ireland to Britain, and imperialism, in general it exacerbated our dependency and underdevelopment. There has been 8 constant drain of capital and revenue to the imperialist centres without any development for Irish Industry.

This policy has resulted in a huge public debt, hasssive unemployment and an accelerating erosion of democratic rights (Criminal Justice 6ill, Extradition Act, Section 31, Gonstitutional Prohibitions on ODiverce and Abortion). Parallel to this expectation of 'normal' European development in the 26 counties was the reformist strategy of ‘enlightenment’ in the 6 counties. The Stormont Parliament, dominated as it was by the medieval ethos of Ulster Unioniam, who, for example, were against the opening of public parks on Sundays (!), Was 85 restrictive to women in the 6 counties as the Catholic Church dominated 26 counties. Thus divorce was severely restricted, abortion illegal, nursery facilities for working women non-existent and there were many other simularities in terms of social and economic problems - low wage levels, type of jobs available, Church dominated schools and medical establishment.

The siddle class and reformist. strategy has to bring these ‘anomalies" between the position of women in the & counties and Britain to public attention and thus win ‘equal rights’ with &ritish women. Thus the Northern women's movement's strategy was pressure and exposure of women's problems to the more ‘enlightened’ sections of the Oritish establishment. In doing this, and organising as the &ritish movement did, feminism would grow and develop anlong British linea. The Failure of the Reformist Strategy The early movement [failed to develop aS expected and by the end of the 70's it was in decline and had become diffuse, The fragmentation of the movement into specialist areas such as FKape Crisis Centres, Women's Refuges, Health Cenbtres, and so on, occured without an essential political debate for Irish feminism: How could the women's movement confront forces ranged against it (partition, the Church, imperialism)?

Yet without a strategic view the ‘caraival of reaction" following partition (with especially harsh consequences for women) that James Connolly had Predicted, would go unchecked. Each unstable partitioned state was dependent on othe Church for ideological cover; this copperfastened the 2nd clase status of women in Irish society.

This straitjacket of Church, State control over women's lives cannot be broken cut of in a piecemeal fashion, or within each State. To attack the Church without attacking the State, to attack the State without attacking partition, is to disare the women's movement . The Anti-Imperialist Feminist Current This difficulty was understood by a small but significant layer of socialist feminists in the early movement who, on paper, had a strong anti-imperialism, anti-partition stance, But to develop a movement needs more than correct ideas, If it can identify ils enemies on paper, it must also work out how to build alliances in a struggle against them. The historic division between feminists and antiimperialists held back the development of a wide ranging debate on this until the Armagh Women Political Prisoners campaign, built by the Belfast Women Against Imperialism Group (WAI) took off in the late 7Us., The WAL Group faced up to the probles of the isolation of Irish feminism from the worker's and anti-imperialist movements by building an anti-imperialist feminist group. Thus it concretely. built alliances with those [Eighting partition and in so doling brought home the relevance of Eeminisa to those women fighting for a United Ireland, The Caspaign in Support of the Armagh Women Political Prisoners split the feminist movement. <A debate on the relevance of republicanism to feminism raged in all sections of the women's, anti-imperialist sovements, in the Press, and spilled over into the British women's movement. Qut of the debate emerged a new direc— tion = the organisation of women inside the anti-imperialist movement which coincided with increased activity of feminists in the workers" movement.

The strength of this new activity in the mass organisations is now reflected

in women's committees in uni recognition of women's role in ¢ ; and tenant struggles, the Sinn Fein Women's Department. There was also a push towards the developme of a 32 County feminist movement: not necessarily with «an agreed perspective, but at least to co-ordinate campaigns and publicity. Some extremely successful national, 32 county conferences were held in the late 70's, early BO"s; yet. the fragmentation of the movement on a day to day level continued to be the pattern.

The failure of the current to and assume a of the ant) — 2a per talist overcome its own divisions position of leade p women's movement meant that fragmented under the pressure of the larger. strike, It did not reappear as an organised current. While this does nol undermine the importance of the developments in different are: particularily the opening oF the Falla Road Women's Centre, it left «a ‘gap in the leadership of the fragmented feminist Lt toro forces. Fighting the Right Wing Offensive Hence the movement was poorly placed to Fight the right-wing oflensive As the recession deepened this of fensive gained momentum, Despite winning Limi ted guins in 5 pee fic areas, state-funding of projects and limited legislative relorm in the North under direct rule, the women's movement found itself in «a weaker position in the early 80's than at its inception in the carly 60"s. The rerightfeminism cession strengthened the hold of wing Forces in society and Lieok OF the t campaign without any 32 county movement or strong leadership behind it. anti-ae The ease with which the radical current was pushed aside during the campaign is evidence of this weakness. They were unable to make an effective challenge for the leadership of the Campoign, in part due to their sectarian approach to united action « because of their [failure to Fight for alliances with the workers’ movement and the anti-imperialist movement.

Their left posturing faciliated the reformists and pro-imperialists of the Labour Party and Fine Gael and le—Et them virtually unopposed as the leadership of the campaign.

Thus women were doc lors, lawyers, forced to rely on politicians and numerous respectable experts to defend thelr rights. The 2 amendments and the Joanne Hayes case have shown that this great body of respected establishment opin cannot and will not stand up to Chure which tg the power behind the attacks on w Nis The earlier periad the wom & move— ment also witnessed a section of the movement relying on bourgecis wndbe When an clement of the sovement joi the mainstrean establishment partios as the way forward the rest of the Women's Liberation Movement Felt ‘this was wrong, but criticised it for the wrong reasons. The criticisms were variously that they were becoming involved in male hierarchical, patriarchal parties che, Some of this is obviou ¥ true. The real crit aM» however , ft that they ore joining parties that were anti-democratic from .theis inception and were tied to and dependent on the Church, committed to working within each partioned statelet. ‘Thus they would not challenge the Chure h's role in making the legal and constititionsl basis of the identical to Church dogma. states Today the oppression ol is much sharper and more ro than in the Wine

SE VE

period when the original women's move nent developed. The cuts in social welfare, unemployment and the general worstning of peoplo’s basic living Standards have forced tenes of thousands ol women to @ pPasition where Che Le hacks are apainst the: wall. Of the three main sectors. of the oppre in Ireland - the working clogs, the anti-imperialist movement anid women — the latter have suffered the sanost backs. In this political climate the right wing, the ‘moral majority’ led by -SPUC (Seciety for the Protection of the Unborn Child), backed by the Church and right wing establishment, have mounted & series of vicious attacks on the already limited rights of in the 26 counties. rome nh 3 on Catholic moral grounds - the witch hunt against Joanne Hayes tribunal women in the = the right wing campaign in the media against ‘unmarried mothers" - the mew ethics code for teachers, deactors and nurses - the anti-gay hysteria being orchestrated against persons with AIDS.

the divorce referendum and the SPUC campaign to shut down the abortion referral services of the women’s- clinics are the The defeat of fain attacks being Carried ovkt by reactionary right wing forces. The response from the women's movement Lo these altecks has been very partial and limited, The activity during the Eileen Flynn case maloly centered arouni raising funds for the legal costs.

The feminists who had mobilized in solidarity with Joanne Hayes c their pickets of the tribunal aed hewr ings when threatened with contempt of court, This was a Bistake and the outcome of the wis a victory for the State and the "heavy gang" and a blow opgainst oll women. Not surprisingly the Tralee group, who had organised so courageously in defence of Joanne were demoralised with the whitewash job of the Tribunal and the group has since col lapscd . Feainist input inte the ee wil Saal ’ a pro-divorce nintacule, SPUC Attacks on Women's Rights The. first mejor goin for Right has. the coppertia anti-abortion cla into, the tion with the passage of the Amendment. in [9835. This laid the for a more peneralised offen: ground ive against wonen and the Right sought to make their Victory more concrete by cstablishing precedents. Examples include: - the dismissal of teacher Eileen i lynn What Future Growth for Feminise?

therelore that the women! a Lake stock of its posii ms it faces, P.D. argued that because of the effect of partition and imperia— list domination on Irish women's Lives there will not be any mass sovement Ireland as it did in Tt as evident novencnt has to Lion Th the in Lhe past has developing in Britain and elaewhere in Europe. This ig because -the economic, social and political preconditions [or that mass mavement differ from those-in the advan

movement is small weak. So dt is crucial ind isolated layer to struggles of the he struggle for such an orientely Cragment, car from the arena the struggles Class, in the aying 1 5 le. Hecause f pecit- 1S ture of the women's movement and its politically heterogenous characer It af fd from making a clear ana Hf women"s 5 ion in Irish i T he at revolutioni play in Vement is cent— ae Brew Lanary lGanlersni p becomes moet gual fort future but almost 3 5 day problem of development.

5 been a tnessed in the Contra- Defend the and in the in the only in Che nised In tt during and others @hli-inperialist Wie 2. nave played the Leading role. These women have understood the funda— between the pental link women's liberation and struggle and see the indivigibility of all struggles for democratic rights.

However, & weakness of Republican women is that they have not adequately understood the need and importance for the auLGnOMOUSs Women's movement.

struggle anti-imperialist Refors or Revolution Thus if the vicious attacks on women's rights in he 1980"s anything they show the need for women to fight the system olf i upholding Church's power. Not only will estahli Sn0W partits ment and refor the Churcl St parties not challenge ey will lead women up the blind alley of Fighting for reform within each partioned statelet. In the long run, this would only demoralise women stru ling on different i social, prevent the developmen t Lees | economic, political, and t of » 32 county maa ¥ Ome leadership af the women The development of such a 32 county leadersh is not something that will the women's movement devea precondition for the fur ther development of that movement.

This leadershi from any one group of only to emerge if an open and democratic del 5 Enpaped in by all those build an anti-imperialist pP will nal Come women, It will Fighting to women's movement. Any attempt to get to grips with how woe build ch @ movement ust start by recognising that despite progress in beth the anti -imperialist and the feminist mts, the historic have divisions between them still obstruct the struggle to build a strong leadership.

AS tribution to this process P.D.

if preparing a seminar at the end of 1987) to «study our history and that dominated will hve of other women in imperialis contries. In particular we role of women looking at t inside these revolutionary struggles.

A seminar of this nature is duc. We hope that it will long overrevitalise a debate that has largely been ignored Since the hunger strike. Perhaps the most important 1 to emerge from defeats of the women's movement ls that we can to ignore it no longer, a recent