ATKIN'S P ... the ugly results of British rule In Ireland

The Atkins initiative represents the end result of months of intense polittcal activity by the British -—activity aimed at the restoration of a stable regime in the Six Counties. Talks with the major political parties centred around six options that were all variations of a new Stormont.

In the background were threats that Thatcher would proceed unilaterally and 'do a Rhodesia! on the North, The green paper that is the end result of all this activity is above all a confession ‘of failure -- a further acknowl edgement that no action by Britain can bring about peace and stability in Ireland and that no real solution can be based on the continuation of the six—county state.

UNUSUAL HUMOUR However the green paper differs from other British plans in that it contains an element of humour, 'Option 1' suggests a form of powersharing -- despite the fact that the British abandoned power-sharing in 1974 and have made no attempt to revive it since, and despite the fact that it was not one of the six options in the initial discussions, We can only conclude that the proposal is put forward, not in any serious sense, but simply to enable Haughey and the SDLP to continue talking and to head off criticism from Europe and the USA of Britain's fallure to implement any structural reform of the North.

In fact, the proposal only amounts to power-sharing in a very minimal way. In order for a party to win a place on the executive it would require 25% of the votes cast. In practice it would be very difficult for even the SDLP to achieve this, given that they don't represent Northern Catholics as a whole or even the massive majority of them.

SOUPED UP FAULKNERISM This brings us to 'Option 2', the proposal that the British actually hope to get agreement on. In essence it is arevival of the committee system proposed by Faulkner back in the bad old days of Stormont. Minority parties could .ave up to 50% of the seats on these committees and the committees could delay but not veto new legislation. These proposals were given a qualified welcome by Unionist leaders, but within a few days they had all rejected them outright. In reality the green paper has already failed. It has come up against the reality of Unionist refusal to reach an accomodation with the Catholic middle class at any level, their insistance on control of 'security! and the impossibility of even the SDLP agreeing to anything less than a fundamental restructuring of the Northern state, UNIONIST DIVISIONS This failure makes a deeper failure of unionism as the bulwark of British imperialism in Ireland. By any definition of bourgeois politics the Official Unionists are behaving irresponsibly in refusing to discuss the British proposals. But they have no choice, The decay of the native capitalist class on which they were based and their life or death struggle with Paisley means that interests, PAISLEY A THREAT their weight behind him, population.

they can no lonyer serve asa‘: reliable base for imperialist ness.

At some points during the Stormont talks the British must have hoped that Paisley would serve as their faithful representative. However his posturing since then must have convinced them otherwise. The protestant petty—bourgeoisie on which Paisley bases himself are too bigoted and unstable to serve in this role. Their rise to power would only be accomplished by a total Suppression of Northern Loyalists. Catholics and this a destabilisation of all Ireland. This does not mean that Paisley does not remain a major threat. It does mean that the British are not about to throw Ireland, HAUGHEY'S PROPOSAL S » This gradual under standing of Unionist incompetence and inability to rule has been parallelled by a growing British interest in Haughey's proposals. It's no wonder, for these proposals: dual citizenship, continued Unionist rule and partition in a federal Ireland structure and the end of Irish neutrality, add up to the restabilisation of imperialist rule in Ireland as a whole.

But a dissatisfaction with Unionism and a new reconciliation with the Nationalist bourgeoisie doe not mean that the British are about to turn on the Unionists and open full scale negotiations with Haughey. No matter what the attractions of an all-Ireland solution, the dangers of a further weakening of Unionism and of all-ireland destabilisation are powerful disincentives.

MORE REPRESSION ' So the attempt to install a stables _ regime in the North is likely to be pur sued with a grim determination by Atkins and Thatcher. This will mean pressure on the Unionists and even greater pressure on the SDLP. Above all it will mean increased repression of the anti-unionist The Loyalists have jumped on this issue and spoken with almost total unanimity, only pausing to try and outdo each other i1 levels of vicious This should serve asa | warning .gainst any illusions that the extent of differences within the Unionist bloc will prevent things getting worse, or that they can be appeased by calling off the struggle against partition.

Anti-imperialists must work all the harder for the prisoners in Armagh and the H Blocks and give leadership to the nationally-minded Irish masses by demanding an end to the talks with the British and the The SDLP must be forced out of the talks and Haughey made to put his money where his mouth is. Anything else would be just collaboration covering over the grim and ugly results of British rule in aS a Fare, el

“i SOCIALIST REPUBLIC THE PEOPLES DEMOCRACY bases itself on the following points:

We agree that the central question for the Irish pe ople is the political, economic and military domination of Ireland by imperial— ism and that the central the Irish revolution of the national question ending of partition and achieve— ment of political independence, We are united the claim that any to the oppression of the can be found within a 6 count y framework, and in rejection of any "right" of the Loyalist minority to continue partition, “Aas Marxists we believe thet the capitalist state must be smashed and replaced by a workers! and that only political task for the here. is the solution through the and economic ression.

in our rejection of lasting solution Irish people state the organised wor— binning king class can prowide the motive force for doing this.

We believe that a crucial capitalist oppression is women, and this is especially so in Ireland, given the history of clerical Women are oppressed as a sex and ewen a successful rev— olution will not automatically Qquar— antee the elimination of this opp— For this reason, conditionally support the right of women to organise independently to fight for thelr emancipation.

“s Marxists, we believe that the working class has the ability to successfully challenge and defeat imperialism, It produces the wealth of society without being able to comtrol or distribute it. it is potentially stronger than any other other class because of its ability to organise on amass base, its economic strength and 4=Je)

Dublin 5 Weaccept that area of imperialism.

power We believe we un— ship, the Leninist ganisation: of which ism.

The organisation ist. It commits affiliation to the Fl.

com— Dual If you are interested In joining for more information to:

For 38 Clanawley Road, Killester, its strength of numbers.

workers have the right to defend themselwes against However, we donot accept the Ideology of militarism -—the belief that armed groups can substitute themselves for the masses and win freedom for them.

Him the building of an organised and experienced | eader— in a Marxist Party based on theory of party or— the central feature is democratic central— is international — itself to hol ding an organised discussion with rep— resentatiwes of the Fourth Inter— Com the question of Members of the organisation may hold indivic— membership of the Fi.

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