Ireland and the Fourth International

Papers, journals and pamphlets of the Fourth International's supporters in Ireland, 1969–1996

Socialist Republic: Vol. 3 no. 6, 1980

Socialist Republic · Issue · 9 scanned pages · about 13,484 words of machine-read text

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XX Hy No ed er VOLT No& ‘Wd Years of the New RUG 10 Years of Murder Brutality SectarianisM In this Issue of Socialist Republic we carry an article dealing with the RUC!'s efforts to convince people that It Is belng reformed, We argue that this Is Impossible because of the sectarian nature of the force.

But there are some other political parties, who like us claim to be antl-Unlonist, who don't share this view. These people are however afraid to say what they really be- Ileve Ing This Is because they know that if their real views were known they could be In grave danger of losing the support of the real antl-unlonists who support them.

This sneaky and dishonest party Js the SDLP,

COLLABORATION EXPOSED

Their underhand efforts to collaberate with the RUC have recently been dramatically exposed by An Phoblacht/Republican News (AP/RN), the paper of the republican movement.

These show that over the past year the RUC has been holding a series of secret meetings with representatives of business and professional groups, ranging from clergy to education and the legal profession, even including the trade unions. The Catholic middle class was well-represented, including such "pillars of society" as the SDLP's Joe Hendron, the ex—-SDLP and now Irish Transport Union official Paddy Devlin, Bishop Philbin of Down and Connor, and Sister Genevieve the principal of one of Belfast's major Catholic schools, St. Louise's, The aim of these meetings was to give the RUC a chance of being accepted as a "normal professional police force!!

inside the Catholic ghettoes.

0, (Stettin) ° oPoznah otddi oW roctaw (Breslau) Krakow O

IN REVOLT

CONTINUED ON PAGE 4

PO@BLAGEH SH@ISIAL AGH

“=Je)

SOCIALIST REPUBLIC

Paper of PE@PLES DEMOGRAGY

STRIKERS

SHOW

THE

The magnificent, courageous struggle of the Polish workers should be seen as aninspiration to all workers, in whichever country they labour, in whichever continent they toil. It is a struggle about political power, the power of shipyard workers, dockers, transport workers and the rest to control the society in which they live, It is a struggle which seizes the imagination. And it also seizes the fears of many privileged people throughout the world, For a start the political bureauc-— rats in Poland are running scared.

They have already made concession after concession in an attempt to stem the flood of revolt.

But the fear of these parasites was to be expected: the demands the Polish workers are making challenge the political monopoly which they have enjoyed for two generations,

SDLP GUILTY

Some may say that the SDLP was not necessarily implicated in these talks, as they were not officially represented, This argument can be rejected on two counts: first pecause so many of their members attended (besides Joe Hendron there was Rory MacShane and Alban Magennis) and second because the Catholic business classes so liberally represented comprise the back— bone of the SDLP's power base. It can be safely assumed that most of these people are in regular contact with the SDLP leadership.

So we must ask what have they got to hide? Why was it decided not to attribute statements to individuals in the RUC reports? Why are the Catholic business classes afraid to come clean? The answer is clear. They area fifth column in the anti-unionist camp, a trojan horse that will be used to sabotage the Irish peoples!

struggle for national liberation and national unity. We believe umnceas= ing pressure should be put on Hendron and company to say what went on in these meetings, Resolutions should be tabled at ITGWU meetings questioning Paddy Devlin's role.

We say there should be a real debate about the RUC in the antiunionist community, so let's put an end to these shameful secret meetingsl| A FEW BAD APPLES? eee We argue our position clearly — the RUC is a rotten sectarian force that can!t be reformed. You can read inside to see why. We don't go for Chief Constable Hermon!s lame excuse about a few bad apples ina sound barrel — as far as we are con— cerned, the RUC is more like a warehouse of rotten oranges.

SDLP Support Sectarian Force

ATKINS/O’FIACH TALKS

LIMERICK TENANTS

ARMAGH CAMPAIGN

NORTHERN WORKERS

SDLP AFTER 10 YEARS

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SOCIALIST REPUBLIC PAGE 2

The North's trade union leaders are an absolute disgrace to the working class. InJuly, the Northern Ireland Committee of Congress went to 10 Downing Street caps—in-handto explain to Thatcher that her policies were causing hardship in the six countiesand worse still, making rec— ruitsfor theProvos, Their trip gota lot of press coverage and Terry Carlin went on television to say that he expected Thatcher to respond sympathetically to the case he and his cronies had presented, Thatcher didnot delay withher answer, Animmediate and total freeze on public spending wasimposedin the North throughout the month of July. It was lifted at the end of the month only for the announcement of further swingeing cutsin all public services-— with the sole exception of the "security forces!!, The £10 million cut in the social services budget means -no more refuges for battered women -residential homesfor children and elderly wiil close -the already skeleton home-=help service will disappear in some areas -ahalt torecruitment of social work staff despite widespread staff shortages. In short, the young and the old, the weak and defenceless may be doomed because the only lifeline which they hadistobe taken from them, The story isthe same in the housing and education sectors, The Housing Executive has announced a dramatic cutback in itsplans for newhousing and hasgone so far astoask for the suspension of Public Health notices, pleading itsinability to employ main+ tenance staff. The Education Boards have cancelled almost their entire school building programme andin many areas, schoolchildren will be denied schoolmealsbecause the staff are being sacked,

BUREAUCRAT SLEAD NOWHERE

Despite this kick in the teeth, the North!s trade union leaders have learnt nothing, Having sat back and watchedunemployment soar to 85,000 under the Tories, they continue to sit on their back sides while the Torles tear the guts out of the welfare state.

Indeed, in many cases the trade union leadersare actively assisting the Toriestoimplement these vicious attacks onthe workingclass, HOAUNV}E AWAD ALR LUTPKLTCLAD TULL Yg APO UD MRNA ARANETA] UA A MHP VL YALE AML See TTT TITAN BNET a NL HUW ( A ALAA A gi WN UU A We y Ca Se 4 ‘awe re he. : a

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POSITIVE DISCRIMINATION NEEDED

Economic in the

BUILD ALL IRELAND

WORKERS UNITY !!

A CLEAR EXAMPLE

The Northern IrelandPublic Service Alliance, whichproudly boasts that itisthe North!slargest white-collar union, isacaseinpoint. NIPSA's annual conference In May, voted overwhél mingly for a policy of non-cooper-~ ation and called on member s torefuse to implement the cuts, Three months later, the union!s executive has stil} not issued any instructions toitsmembers, NIPSA al so voted for a total banon overtime, yet the Executive claims to Peoples Democracy holds National Conference On September 27th and 28th People's Democracy is holding its annual conference. The second since fusion between PD and MSR, this conference will concentrate on getting to grips with tasks of rev— olutionary Marxists for the coming year. The working class faces big battles.

Throughout the 32 counties, the campaign for H-Block and Armagh .iS growing and a decisive and suc— cessful strategy is necessary if we are to win political status; the deepening struggle of women, spur~ red on by the feminist current on issues of sexual liberation, on contraception and abortion provide a serious challenge to revolution aries. The economic recession choking the economies of Northern and Southern states will be met by fierce resistance from wide layers in the labour movement. Overall, there is a growing convergence ot the political and economic issues facing the working class and antiimperialist movement. The central obstacle of imperialist domination and its reflections throughout economic, political and social life both sides of the border is the basic framework that People's Democracy develops its perspectives within, To effectively challenge that domination, we recognise the need to build a strong organisation with an effective apparatus. This conference will also concentrate centrally on how to build People's Democracy. We will cover the main discussions of the conference in the next issue.

JOAN BRADY: NATIONAL.

SECRETARY

be confused as to what the conference meant, ItIls widely known within the unton that some Executive members areamongthehighest pald inthe overtime league, NIPSA's General Secretary, Jim McCusker Is also Chairman of the Northern treland Committee which perhapsprovides some Insight Into the NICTU's Inactivity, McCusker has denounced hisownunlon!s policy :of non=-cooperationas"fascism'', McCusker Is fond of pointing out that NIPSA was the unlon with the largest

WERE RETREATING

turnout at the Belfastrally against the cutsonApril 2nd, However, heis known to have threatened di scip— Yeas | linary action on branches who i seued strike instructions, the day foltowing ballotsof member sin favour of strike action. McCusker hasalso described the pay settlement for civil servantsasaviatory - despite the fact thatit wasto be partly financed by2, 000 redundancies, He isnowtrying to force similar set+ tlementson other séctionsofhis member ship. McCusker isnotuntypical of the trade union leader sin the North, nor Indeed in the 26 counties, Workers would foolish to place any confidencein th trade union leaders! determination defeat redundancies and the massiv growth inunemployment,

TO STRUGGLE, NOT DEFEAT

But whatisthe alternative? Despite widespread di scontent with the sell~ outs of the trade union leaders, there Isno organi sed opposition within the unions, Developing such an opposition is tthe key task for militantsin the unions, Thiswill requirea fight to unite the working class by championing the demands of those worker s who are being hit the hardest, inthe six counties, the "Catholic minority" working class, Crash job creation programmes mu st be undertaken in those areas wlth the highest unemployment —- West Belfast, Strabane, Newry andDerry.

We will have to fight for a policy of affirmative action to protect jobsfor women worker sand school leavers, Such demands will not find ready acceptance within the trade unions, Even some''socialists", suchas the supporter sof the IMIIlItant!, will say that these demandsare sectarian.

But thisis tokow-tow before loyallsmthe genuine enemy of workers! unlty.

Thispolicy hasbeen pur sued all along by the trade union leader sand the resultsare the misery which increas— ingly threatensall workers, The April 2nd Day of Action may only have been aripplein the stream but It wasa small beginning which should be bullton. It showed that despite the crude sectarianism of the trade union leaders and their attempts to block participation by anti-unlonist worker s, the latter were prepared to come onto the streetsin the flght for jobs and against thecuts, Ta.ken with the strike by deep-sea dockers, Apri! 2nd showed the potentlal for bull ding an opposition tothe policlesof the trade unton leaders andthelir fellow travel— lers, The deep-sea dockers, through their flying pickets, have secured support from docker sin Southern,as well asNorthern, ports, Such ALL- Ireland support Isessentlal for the victory of more andmore struggles, Irish worker sarebadly served by the disunity of the Irish trade unlon movement by the pro-partItioni st policy of the rump Northern Ireland Committee.

This should be di sbanded and the trade unlon movement In All-Ireland should take the Initiatlve In developing a worker s! plan to defeat the attacksof British Imperialism anditsjunior partner sinireland,

JOHN MAGEE

Opestel cupptement to a Intercontinental Press roneerd TT ROCCOP This 200 page supplement to Intercontinental Press/ Inprecor contains some 15 documents and reports from the recent World Congress of the Fourth Internatlonal.

This volume contains *Report on World Political Situatlon -- by Ernest Mandel *Resolutlons on Europe, Latin America, and Women's Liberation *Socialist Democracy and the Dictator ship of the Proletariat Price: £2.40 + 30p P&P Address as on page 8, Read INTERCONTINENTAL PRESS/INPRECOR, weekly newspaper of the Fourth International.

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Workers Must Break All Ties With Bosses Federatio W age talks between the Irish Congress of Trade Unions and the Federated Union of Employers broke down on September 4th.

deadlock occurred because the ICTU refused to capitu.late all the way to the employers! demands, Not to worry, however. Those !in the know! told us that the trade union leaders were only putting on a show and would soon be back at the negotiation table with a more reasonable attitude, The The astute media commentators who made this prediction didn't make the prophesy by looking into a crystal ball. Like all fortune tellers they watched their subject for vital clues.

The vital clue in this case was that while the ICTU walked out of the Department of Labour, where the Employer-Labour Conference was in session, they didn't walk out of the Employer-labour Conference itself. So it was safe to predict that Messrs Roberts & Co would soon be back , The media commentators know that the EmployertLabour Conference has a magical quality about it. Itis an institution designed to harness the trade union movement to the needs ef the employers. As long as the unions participate in it, it is a sure bet that they will buckle under to the demands of the FUE. On the surface, the ELC is ultrademocratic. It is presented to the general public as a voluntary institution, equally representing workers and employers for the purpose of negotiating and supervising wages.

This image of the ELC is grossly misleading; a closer examination reveals a much different picture.

Firstly, the claim that the ELC exists simply to negotiate wage increases is a distortion of the truth.

In reality the ELC's function is to hold wages down as far as possible, It is worth recalling that the ELC is the legitimate offspring of the 1961 National Labour Management Conference, It should be remembered that the NLMC was establis-— hed in accordance with the government!s strategy, outlined in the First Programme for Economic Expansion , which stated that, "The success of any policy of economic development will depend on the effectiveness and continuous cooperation of the trade unions in promoting increased productivity and in avoiding increases in wages and salaries'', The NLMC broke'up very quickly under rank and file trade union pressure when the employers tried to impose a wage freeze in 1962, The ELC, however, has been more successful in holding down wages, Despite Ireland having the highest rate of economic expansion in Europe, Irish workers are, according to a recent Financial Times survey, still the lowest paid worm kers in Europe, Secondly It Is untrue that the ELC is a purely voluntary institutione Strictly speaking the unions were under no legal obligation to join or stay in. But does the 'Trade Union Amendment Bill! ring a bell? This was the notorious coercive legislation which the Fianna Fail government threatened against the unions if they refused to collaborate faithfully with the employers, The Bill included clauses which permitted the out -lawing of strikes, confiscation of T.eU. property and finances and the jailing of workers, At the time the trade union leadership used the exis-— tence-of this Bill to intimidate the rankand file into accepting the ELC as a lesser evil Thirdly, the ELC is not based on the democratic representation of trade unions and employers, Formally, the unions and the employers are equally represented but a Trinity College professor acts as "neutral! chairman and the conference is staffed by civil servants.

The whole set-up, therefore, is weighted in favour of the employers, The formally democratic structure of the ELC also hides another profound distortion. The ELC was established in accordance with Report No. 27 of NIEC (a body .

which was composed mostly of government and employer appointees with a minority trade union representation) which took a clear anti-union stand, The Report noted that "the emphasis on democracy at all levels in the trade unions... frequently makes internal communications and decision making difficult". The result was that the leaders of the ICTU "cannot impose (1) its views on affiliate unions", So as a precondition for effective collaboration between trade union leaders and employers, democracy within the unions had to be curbed. The subsequent assault on trade union democracy took the form of the "two-tier"!

picketing system which meant that decisions about strikes were taken out of the hands of the rank and file (at shop and branch level) and put under the control of national |leaderships and the ICTU. It was only after this system had been imposed that ELC could become a reafityr In short, the ELC is founded or: the subversion of democracy in the unions, The Employer-lLabour Conference is in effect a government and employer instituthon designed to control the trade union movement. It achieves this by forcing the unions to submit to the principles of pay restraint and curbs on democracy.

Within the ELC the unions are ona loser even before negotiations begin.

Any serious strategy for defending workers! living standards and their hard won rights to organise, must begin by rejecting the Employer- Labour Conference. The trade union movement must make it clear that it will enter into negotiation with the FUE only on a temporary basis and with the sole aim of considerabiy improving the living conditions of workers, Fight employer =9(abour conference

OUT!

BRENDAN KELLY

Cor

SOCIALIST REPUBLIC PAGE 3

’ APRIL FOOL QUIZ

UDA-UDR-UVF

Spot the difference? Paisleyites Want Us

PROSECUTED!

April Fool's Day this year was marked by a rare stroke of humour by the British. They produced a special printed first day cover envelope to commemorate '10 years of service! by the UDR. Peoplets Democracy decided to join in the joke and produced a 'stamp! of its own reminding the Irish people of the real record of these sectarian gangsters. The DUP joined in the comedy. This group, dedicated to sectarian hatred, demanded that we be prosecuted under the tincitement to hatred! act, The comedy ended however when the RUC demonstrated their traditional willingness to act as the message boys of loyalism. They called on PD member, Mike Farrell and announced that they were !pursuing enquiries! in order to attempt a prosecution of PD members, Our answer is that we know the UDR for the gangsters they are, No threats by the RUC or misuse of 'hatred! legislation (which has never been used to convict loyalists) will change the policy of our organ= isation or the opinion of the Irish people of the UDR. poration Tenants One of tne few breaks an unemployed per son might have in life wastaken away last May when the Mini ster for the Environment, Sylvester Barrett, introduced the 1980 National Rents Scheme for Local Authority tenants, Previously, those on long term benefits(ie on social welfare or dole since before mid-'76) hadtheir rent assessedon only half their income, This meant a considerable reduction on the normal rent. For the purpose of "eliminating anomalies'' Barretthas, despite the opposition of the National Association of Tenants! Organi sations(NATO), now put all tenants on acommon footing, His main weapon inremoving this concession was the "dole sponger theory", long sponsored by consecutive Irish governments, Unfortunately, the absurdclaimthat the joblessare well off andif they are not then they areresponsible for their own plight anyway, has gained acertain credence, However, there was some opposition to the new scheme, Rent strikesof various duration took placein areas of Dublin, in Tralee, Dungarvan and Limerick among other areas, InLimerick, apublic meeting of 200 set up the Southill Tenants andResidentsAction Committee which organised an information centre, apublic meeting where MattLarkinof NATO spoke, apicket on the mayoral election, a programme on local radioas well asa concerted propaganda campaign in the local press, The Action Committee, whichhas ht Rent increases affiliated toNATO, haspointed out that Barrett!seagerness to end "anomalies!'! doesnot extend to ending ano malies which work against the tenant, (1) On the basis that areasonable rent mu st be paid from areasonable income, tenants with an income of over £55now pay one seventh (ie amaximum). The Southill Action Committee is campaigning for this figure tobe pushedup to £70 (ieup to what it considers should be a minimum income). (2) Due to the almost total collapse the maintenance andrepalir services of the Local Authorities there Is the anomaly of some tenants livingin standard accomodation while others, who pay exactly the samerent, donot.

Yet no allowance ismade for thisIn the rent, (3)Thereismassive overcrowding in some Local Authority houses yet no allowance is made for the varlation In hou sing quality this situation brings about, Itis the ending of those type of anomalies along with the settingup of an Independent Rents Tribunal that the Action Committee ls campaigning for, Despite the overall weaknessof the opposition totherent increases, the effect hasbeen to strengthen NATO and lay the groundwork for the strug— gle which will have tobeundertaken against the inevitable attack son working people thisor any other government will launch down this avenues,

JOE HARRINGTON

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SOCIALIST REPUBLIC PAGE 4

Chronology of events ae ees Council of Ministers announce food price rises of 30 per cent. 3,000 workers at Lenin Shipyard (Gdansk) hold mass meeting, followed by a strike and demonstrations. strikes in Gdynia, Elblag, Szczecin.

strikes in Katowice (Upper Silesia), and Poznan. massacre of workers i in Gdynia; tanks; all of Baltic region on strike, as well as in Wroclaw, Krakow. strikes in large factories in Warsaw.

Central Committee replaces Gomulka with Gierek. Gierek announces economic concessions.

strikes continue for political changes and a return to 1966 prices.

Gierek’s 9-hour discussion with workers in Szczecin on trade union and press independence, women in textile factories strike in Lodz followed by mass strike in Lodz.

Gierek, after secing the Soviets, announces 2-year price freeze at '66 levels.

The workers’ committees which emerged out of the strike committees continued to function for months, some for a year. 1976 Ee ema es 24 June Government announce food price increases.

25 June Radom — demonstration, violence, fighting with police, 17 dead, 2000 arrested.

Ursus — workers rip up Warsaw-Paris railway tracks, demonstration, 600 arrested, 1000 suspended for !-3 months.

Piock — demonstration, 100 arrested, 150 refinery workers sacked. 25 June in the evening the Government cancels the 1971 24 Jan 11 Feb 15 Feb 1980 (EEE SGE Ey 1 July new meat distribution system goes into effect without prior announcement. Meat to be sold by commercial butchers instead of by statesubsidized shops — that is 40-60 per cent higher prices. 1 July © strikes in Ursus tractor factory, Gdansk vehicle parts factory, and others.

8 July aircraft factor in Mielec on strike — wins 15 per cent wage increase. .

10 July: several large factories in Warsaw on strike, truck plant in Lublin, textile workers in Zyrardow, etc. First generalised strike In Lublin: 9-17 big factories: FSC lorries; lorry repair July workers; Buczek shoes; Agromet agricultural machinery. 17 July railway workers strike.

18 July bus and tram drivers, bakeries, come out.

Demands of railway workers’ strike committee include free elections to the official trade union, family allowance to equal that of police and military, and no victimisation.

Throughout July and first half of August, strikes continue in all parts of the country: 18-24 Huta Stalowa Wola construction machinery July plants. 23 July machinery plant in Wroclaw; transport workers in Chelm.

S11 Aug _ dustmen in Warsaw. 8 Aug textile factories in Lodz.

11 Aug bus drivers in Warsaw.

12 Aug tram drivers, Warsaw.

13 Aug taxi drivers in Warsaw.

14 Aug 5,000 demonstrate in Warsaw at Tomb of Unknown Soldier. By mid-August there had been over 800 disputes.

Gdansk strike 14 Aug Lenin Shipyard workers go on strike over sacking of three activists of the Committee for free trade unions in the Baltic (A Walentynowycz, L Walesa); although they are reinstated negotiations continue on seven more demands, including abolishing official trade unions. trike committee delegates vote to form All- Poland Trades Union Congress.

The Inter-Factory Strike Committee (MKS) is formed as joint committee for factories in 3 cities: Gdansk, Gdynia, Sopot; it has a list of 16 demands; in Lenin Shipyard, strikers refuse peace offer agreed by strike committee.

Government commission set up under T Pyka to examine grievances. telephone links between Gdansk and country cut off. Jan Litynski placed under house arrest.

Gierek’s speech-plea for return to work strikes in Szczecin, Elblag — strike committees set up. MKS demands increase to 23.

strike in Nowa Huta steel mill.

14 members of KOR arrested.

Pyka replaced by Jagielski, who also refuses to negotiate with the MKS.

Church calls for prudence and wisdom.

Government finally concedes to negotiate directly with MKS; negotiations will be relayed to conference hall of 700 delegates and to workers outside by loudspeaker; the delegates will vote on every proposal.

plenary session of Central Committee opened in response to widespread pressure in local party meetings throughout country.

Intercontinental Press sempre’ FAP PCCOL Vol WW ONe at Auqust i 1980 USA $1 UK 305

WORKERS’ STRIKES

CHALLENGE POLISH REGIME

Interview With ‘Peng Shu-tse The Struggle for Democracy in China Today

NTERCONTINENTAL PRESS

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women’s liberation movements.

Introductory offer 10 issues 6 month 24 issues *weekly in-depth reporting and analysis of major world developments and events of particular Interest to the labour, socialist, colonial independence, black and £3.00 The workers of Poland have won impressive victories. They shook the parasite cast which rules Poland. Gierek, allegedly suffering from a heart complaint, has been dismissed as Head of State.

This cynical manoeuvre should deceive no one, It wasn't just Gierek who suffered heart failure. It was the rulers in Moscow, was- FRQmM PAGE 1JAMES GALLAGHER

MORE SOCIALISM NOT LES

hington and Brussels, who suffered at the prospect of confronting the biggest upsurge in Europe since May '68,

NO TO BUREAUCRACY

The revolt of the Polish workers was not just a flash in the pan, nor was it a raw response manipulated by reactionaries who want a res— And yet is not only the political leaders in Poland who are sleeping rights for the working class and greater workers! control over the Polish economy: but they have made no demands which challenge the planned nature of that economy.

uneasily. The Polish strikers have won few friends in the corridors of power throughout the world. The Western political leaders are keeping remarkably quiet about the crisis.

This is because of the nature of the Polish struggle. The strikers offer no prospect for a return to capitalism in Poland, They are for more socialism, not less, And that is the main reason why the world!s capitalist leaders have rushed aid to Poland's strug— gling bureaucrats, Even the rightwing Daily Express has said. "Wes- They are demanding greater political tern governments have a special toration of capitalism. The history of the Polish workers movement is one of the most militant in Europe. From the beginning of this century they have been in the forefront of all the waves of class struggle which swept the world, But they showed one critical weakness - a persistent treac-— hery by their own political leaders.

On each occasion they rejected those leaders only to be betrayed by their new "saviours!!, But now they have learned from experience.

When Gomulka was kicked out in 1970 they did not place much confidence in Gierek, who came forward as the voice of "'democracy!!

and "enlightenment'', Now they have gotten rid of him too. The Polish bureaucracy have no one left with any standing to replace him.

The workers no longer want "saviours" but their rights.

NO TO CAPITALISM

If the Polish bureaucrats have no credibility neither has the capitalist West. Indeed one of the causes of the workers! revolt was unfavourable trading terms with the West and excessive reliance by Gierek on foreign capital. They see Poland's colossal indebtedness to capitalist financial institutions as a major barrier to raising their own living standards, They know that the capitalist system of the West would mean only more exp— loitation and repression,

SUPPORT THEM NOW

The workers of Gdansk marched back to work singing the ''International", the anthem of international socialism. They were appea ing for the support of honest wor— kers everywhere to help them consolidate their victory. Irish workers can play their part. The Irish trade union movement could send "fact-finding" delegations to Poland; shopfloor committees could "twin! up with similar Polish committees; the statements and documents of the new Polish "unions!

could be distributed widelyin Ireland, Support the Polish worker:; now!

Learn from them now]

JAMES CONWAY

interest in maintaining stability in Poland'', Why are these apparently curious alliances forming? The reason is that one of the main supports given in the world today to the struggling capitalist system is the fact that democratic rights are widely supressed in the non-capitalist states.

The last thing Carter and his friends want to. see is the workers winning greater rights in countries like Poland. They are well aware that such victories will undermine their propaganda describing communism as "totalitarian and undemocratic'!. They are also aware that any return to capitalism would lead to untold misery for the Polish people.

Their aim has been to subsidise the Polish Stalinist bureaucracy, with the hope that in time it can be won away from the USSR "sphere of Influence", An interesting recent example was the extremely lukewarm support given to the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan by the Polish government. The new aid is a continuation of the policy of building up Polandis massive foreign debt. In these circumstances, revolutionaries should support the Polish workers! struggles. The revolt of the Polish workers _paises important questions for socialists everywhere. In a coun- .

try which claims to be socialist the overwhelming majority of workers rose in a wave of discontent. How could this happen? More importantly, how is the conflict to be resol= ved? The explanations offered by the sup— porters of the Polish government can easily be discounted. The irish Socialist, published by the Communist Party of Ireland, offers the view that the conflict is of "an economic nature! which "antisocialist elements! are trying to turn to political advantage, DEMANDS Of oT RIKERS

POLAND

(Danzig) (Stettin) ro oPomaf oWroctaw (Breslau)

IN REVOLT

The following is the list of twentyone demands being raised by the strikers in the Gdansk region, as promulgated by the Interfactory Strike Committee (MKS) representing more than 500 factories and about 200,000 workers, It has been taken from the September 8 Intercontinental Press/Inprecor.

1. Acceptance of free trade unions independent of theCommunist Party and of enterprises, in accordance with convention No. 87 of the International Labour Organization concerning the right to form free trade unions, which was ratified by the Communist Government of Poland.

2. A guarantee of the right to strike and ofthe security of strikers and those’ aiding them, What exactly is the economic nature of the crisis? A leading member of the Polish United Workers! Party, M. Rakowski, is quoted: "Many of these negative phenomena'!, he says ''stem from the fact that quite :a sizable number of production workers do not link their dreams of a better life with better, more efficient work", What else does this mean except that a "sizable number"! of workers are lazy and selfish? And is this just an "economic!! problem? Of course not. Unwittingly , the Irish Socialist spells out the implications when it admits that: "In political terms this often means that there is a passive attitude towards Government economic drives from impor— tant segments of the population", Exactly. The truth is that the Polish workers are alienated from the government. The "economic!!

problem is precisely a tension between the workers and those who hold political power, This tension can only be resolved _by political measures, Either the Bureaucracy is overthrown or the workers are reformed, Tne latter option might seem to be a bit of a joke. M. Rakowski, however, obviously lacks a sense of humour, because this is exactly the option he endorses, "Those who work honestly", he says, ''are demanding stern sanctions against the loafers, introduction of rigid discipline for creating a situation in which the whole of society would respect

THE GOANSK

3. Compliance with the constitutional guarantee of freedom of speech, the press and publications, Including freedom for independent publishers, and. the availabillty of the mass media to representatives of all faiths, 4 ta) A return of former rights to: *People dismissed from work after the 1970 and 1976 strikes *Students expelled from school because of their views (b) The release of all political prisoners, among them Edmund Zadrozynski, Jan Koz— lowski and Marek Kozlowski (c) A halt in repression of the individual because of personal conviction. 5. Availability to the mass media of information about the formation of the Interfactory Strike Committee and publication of its demands, 6. The undertaking of actions aimed at bringing the country out of its crisis situation by the following means: (a) Making public complete information about the socialeconomic situation. (b) Enabling all sectors and social classes to take part in discussion of the reform programme, 7. Compensation of all workers taking part in the strike for the period of the strike, with vacation pay from the Central Council of Trade Unions. 8. An increase in the base pay of each worker by 2,000 zlotys (Ir £33 at the official rate) a month as compensation for the recent rise in prices. 9. Guaranteed automatic increases in pay on the basis of increases in prices and the decline In real Income.

10. A full supply of food products for the domestic market, with exports limited to surpluses.

11, The abolition of "commerclal'' prices and of other sales for hard currency In special shops.

12, The selection of management personnel on the basis of qualifications, not party membership, Privileges of the secret police, regular police and party apparatus are to be eliminated by equalizing family subsidies, abolishing: special stores, etc. 13. The introduction of food coupors for meat and meat products (during the period In which control of the market situation Is regained).

14, Reduction in the age for retirement for women to 50 and for men to 55, or after 30 years! employment in Poland for women and 35 years for men, regardless of age.

15, Conformity of old-age pensions and annuities with what has actually been paid in. 16. Improvements in the working conditions of the health service to insure full medical care for wor= kers. 17. Assurances of a reasonable number of places in day-care centres and kindergartens for the children of working mothers.

18. Paid maternity leave for three years, 19, A decrease in the waiting period for apartments.

SOCIALIST REPUBLIC PAGE 5

Workers Victory! POLANE IRISH CP GETS IT WRONG work'', It is with these "honest!

workers, according to Rakowski, that the government should ally.

The language used by the Polish bureaucracy, "lazy", "loafers", to draw attention away from the priveleges and corruption of their position is similar to that used by the ruling class in capitalist countries in the face of their own crisis, While socialists should recognise’ the gains for workers made under a nationalized economy, none of the workers! states in existence can be deseribed as ‘socialist because they lack the essential feature of socialism, genuine democracy. Proletarian democracy means democracy of the revolutionary party and democracy in society: workers!

councils, community representative organisations, freedom of discuss-— ion - all delegates and public representatives paid the workers!

wage and subject to recall at any time. No party which aspires toa socialist society can be revolutionary until it recognises the importance of socialist democracy and puts this into practice, We say to the Irish Communist Party not to let their support for a workers! state blind them to the political realities of that state; the corrup— tion and priveleges of the bureaucracy and the alienation of the Polish working class.

AIDEEN O'HALLORAN

Gdansk shipyard workers -carry strike leader Lech Walesa on their shoulders after winning demands. 20. An increase in the commuter!s allowance to 100 zlotys from 40, with a supplemental benefit on sep aration. 21. A day of rest on Saturday.

Workers In the brigade system or round-the-clock jobs are to be compensated for the loss of free Saturdays with increased leave or other paid time off,

Scan page 5

SOCIALIST REPUBLIC PAGE 4

Chronology of | events 1970 12 Dec Council of Ministers announce food price rises of 30 per cent. 14 Dec 3,000 workers at Lenin Shipyard (Gdansk) hold mass meeting, followed by a strike and demonstrations. 15 Dec strikes in Gdynia, Elblag, Szczecin.

16 Dec strikes in Katowice (Upper Silesia), and Poznan. ; 17 Dec massacre of workers in Gdynia; tanks; all of Baltic region on strike, as well as in Wroclaw, Krakow. 18 Dec strikes in large factories in Warsaw.

20 Dec Central Committee replaces Gomulka with Gierek. .23 Dec Gierek announces economic concessions.

Dec — strikes continue for political changes Jan and a return to 1966 prices.

197] Eee eee 24 Jan Gierek’s 9-hour discussion with workers in Szczecin on trade union and press independence. 11 Feb women in textile factories strike in Lodz followed by mass strike in Lodz.

18 Feb Gierck, after secing the Soviets, announces 2-year price freeze at '66 levels.

The workers’ committees which emerged out of the strike committees continued to function for months, some for a year.

1976 SES ET

24 Jume Government announce food price increases.

28 June Radom — demonstration, violence, fighting with police, 17 dead, 2000 arrested.

Ursus — workers rip up Warsaw-Paris railway tracks, demonstration, 600 arrested, 1000 suspended for |-3 months.

Piock — demonstration, 100 arrested, 150 refinery workers sacked. 25 June in the evening the Government cancels the price rises. 1980 SES = sae ae 1 July new meat distribution system goes into effect without prior announcement. Meat to be sold by commercial butchers instead of by statesubsidized shops — that is 40-60 per cent higher prices. 1 July strikes in Ursus tractor factory, Gdansk vehicle parts factory, and others.

8 July aircraft factor in Mielec on strike — wins 15 per cent wage increase. .

10 July: several large factories in Warsaw on strike, truck plant in Lublin, textile workers in Zyrardow, etc. First generalised strike in Lublin: 9-17 big factories: FSC lorries; lorry repair workers; Buczek shoes; Agromet agricultural machinery. 17 July railway workers strike.

18 July bus and tram drivers, bakeries, come out.

Demands of railway workers’ strike committee include free elections to the official trade union, family allowance to equal that of police and military, and no victimisation.

Throughout July and first half of August, strikes continue in all parts of the country: 18-24 Huta Stalowa Wola construction machinery July plants. 23 July machinery plant in Wroclaw; transport workers in Chelm.

511 Aug _ dustmen in Warsaw. 8 Aug textile factories in Lodz.

11 Aug bus drivers in Warsaw.

12 Aug tram drivers, Warsaw.

13 Aug taxi drivers in Warsaw.

14 Aug 5,000 demonstrate in Warsaw at Tomb of Unknown Soldier. By mid-August there had been over 800 disputes.

Gdansk strike 14 Aug Lenin Shipyard workers go on strike over sacking of three activists of the Committee for free trade unions in the Baltic (A Walentynowycz, L Walesa); although they are reinstated negotiations continue on seven more demands, including abolishing official trade unions. trike committee delegates vote to form All- Poland Trades Union Congress.

The Inter-Factory Strike Committee (MKS) is formed as joint committee for factories in 3 cities: Gdansk, Gdynia, Sopot; it has a list of 16 demands; in Lenin Shipyard, strikers refuse peace offer agreed by strike committee.

Government commission set up under T Pyka to examine grievances. telephone links between Gdansk and country cut off. Jan Litynski placed under house arrest.

Gierek’s speech-plea for return to work strikes in Szczecin, Elblag — strike committees set up. MKS demands increase to 23.

strike in Nowa Huta steel mill.

14 members of KOR arrested.

Pyka replaced by Jagielski, who also refuses to negotiate with the MKS.

Church calls for prudence and wisdom.

Government finally concedes to negotiate directly with MKS; negotiations will be relayed to conference hall of 700 delegates and to workers outside by loudspeaker; the delegates will vote on every proposal.

plenary session of Central Committee opened in response to widespread pressure in local party meetings throughout country.

Intercontinental Press Vol VW Ne ot enti" TE OCOL August v4

1980 USA $1 UK 30;

WORKERS’ STRIKES

CHALLENGE POLISH REGIME

Interview With *P’eng Shu-tse The Struggle for Democracy in China Today *weekly in-depth reporting and analysis of major world developments and events of particular Interest to the labour, socialist, colonial independence, black and The workers of Poland have won impressive victories. They shook the parasite cast which rules Poland. Gierek, allegedly suffering from a heart complaint, has been dismissed as Head of State, This cynical manoeuvre should deceive no one. It wasn't just Gierek who suffered heart failure. It was the rulers in Moscow, was-—

FROM PAGE 1 JAMES GALLAGHER

MORE $

ba: And yet is not only the political leaders in Poland who are sleeping uneasily. The Polish strikers have won few friends in the corridors of power throughout the world. The Western political leaders are keep-— ing remarkably quiet about the crisis.

This is because of the nature of the Polish struggle. The strikers offer no prospect for a return to capitalism in Poland, They are demanding greater political ca

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women’s liberation movements.

Introductory offer 10 issues £3. 6 month 24 issues £6 00 -00 hington and Brussels, who suf— fered at the prospect of confronting the biggest upsurge in Europe since May '68,

NO TO BUREAUCRACY

The revolt of the Polish workers was not just a flash in the pan, nor was it a raw response manipulated by reactionaries who want a res-—

CIALISM NOT LESS...

rights for the working class and greater workers! control over the Polish economy: but they have made no demands which challenge the planned nature of that economy.

They are for more socialism, not less, And that is the main reason why the world's capitalist leaders have rushed aid to Poland's strug—gling bureaucrats. Even the rightwing Daily Express has said. "Western governments have a special Workers Victory! Df}] toration of capitalism. The history of the Polish workers movement is one of the most militant in Europe. From the beginning of this century they have been in the forefront of all the waves of class struggle which swept the world, But they showed one crit-— ical weakness —- a persistent treac-— hery by their own political leaders, On each occasion they rejected those leaders only to be betrayed by their new "saviours!!,. But now they have learned from experience.

When Gomulka was kicked out in 1970 they did not place much confidence in Gierek, who came forward as the voice of 'democracy!!

and "enlightenment!', Now they have gotten rid of him too. The Polish bureaucracy have no one left with any standing to replace him, The workers no longer want , "saviours" but their rights.

NO TO CAPITALISM

If the Polish bureaucrats have no credibility neither has the capitalist West. Indeed one of the causes of the workers! revolt was unfavourable trading terms with the West and excessive reliance by Gierek on foreign capital. They see Poland's colossal indebtedness to capitalist financial institutions as a major barrier to raising their own living standards, They know that the capitalist system of the West would mean only more exp-— loitation and repression.

SUPPORT THEM NOW

The workers of Gdansk marched back to work singing the ''Inter— national", the anthem of international socialism. They were appea ing for the support of honest wor— kers everywhere to help them consolidate their victory. Irish workers can play their part. The Irish trade union movement could send "fact-finding!! delegations to Poland; shopfloor committees could "twin! up with similar Polish committees; the statements and documents of the new Polish "unions!

could be distributed widelyin Ireland, Support the Polish worker:; now!

Learn from them nowl

JAMES CONWAY

interest in maintaining stability in Poland!!, Why are these apparently curious alliances forming? The reason is that one of the main supports given in the world today to the struggling capitalist system is the fact that democratic rights are widely sup—ressed in the non-capitalist states.

The last thing Carter and his friends want to. see is the workers winning greater rights in countries like Poland. They are well aware that such victories will undermine their propaganda describing communism as "totalitarian and undemocratic''!, They are also aware that any return to capitalism would lead to ; untold misery for the Polish people.

Their aim has been to subsidise the Polish Stalinist bureaucracy, with the hope that in time it can be won away from the USSR "sphere of Influence!!, An interesting recent example was the extremely lukewarm support given to the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan by the Polish government. The new aid is a continuation of the policy of building up Polandis massive foreign debt. In these circumstances, revolution— aries should support the Polish workers! struggles.

Scan page 6

ANDinisu cp Gets iT WRONG The revolt of the Polish wérkers _paises important questions for socialists everywhere, try which claims to be socialist the overwhelming majority of workers rose in a wave of discontent, How could this happen? More importantly, how is the conflict to be resolved? DEMANDS Of

POLAND

Szczecin (Stettin) OW roctaw (Breslau) Krakow

IN REVOLT

The following is the list of twentyone demands being raised by the strikers in the Gdansk region, as promulgated by the Interfactory Strike Committee (MKS) representing more than 500 factories and about 200,000 workers, It has been taken from the September 8 Intercontinental Press/Inprecor.

1. Acceptance of free trade unions independent of theCommunist Party and of enterprises, in accordance with convention No. 87 of the International Labour Organization concerning the right to form free trade unions, which was ratified by the Communist Government of Poland.

2. A guarantee of the right to strike and ofthe security of strikers and those’ aiding them, In a coun— « The explanations offered by the sup-— porters of the Polish government can easily be discounted. The Irish Socialist, published by the Communist Party of Ireland, offers the view that the conflict is of "an economic nature!! which "antisocialist elements! are trying to turn to political advantage.

Wh 3. Compliance with the constitutlonal guarantee of freedom of speech, the press and publications, Including freedom for Independent publishers, and the availabillty of the mass media to representatives of all falths, 4. a) A return of former rights to: *People dismissed from work after the 1970 and 1976 strikes *Students expelled from school because of their views (b) The release of all political prisoners, among them Edmund Zadrozynski, Jan Koz— lowski and Marek Kozlowski (c) A halt in repression of the individual because of personal conviction. 5, Availability to the mass media of information about the formation of the Interfactory Strike Committee and publication of its demands, 6. The undertaking of actions aimed at bringing the country out of its crisis situation by the following means: (a) Making public complete information about the socialeconomic situation. (b) Enabling all sectors and social classes to take part in discussion of the reform programme, 7. Compensation of all workers taking part in the strike for the period of the strike, with vacation pay from the Central Council of Trade Unions. 8. An increase in the base pay of each worker by 2,000 zlotys (Ir £33 at the official rate) a month What exactly is the economic nature of the crisis? A leading member of the Polish United Workers! Party, Me Rakowski, is quoted: 'Many of these negative phenomena!!, he says ''stem from the fact that quite ‘a sizable number of production workers do not link their dreams of a better life with better, more effic-— ient work'!, What else does this mean except that a "sizable number'!! of workers are lazy and selfish? And is this just an "economic"! problem? Of course not. Unwittingly , the Irish Socialist spells out the implications when it admits that: "In political terms this often means that there is a passive attitude towards Government economic drives from important segments of the population'', Exactly. The truth is that the Polish workers are alienated from the government. The "economic!

problem is precisely a tension between the workers and those who hold political power, This tension can only be resolved _by political measures. Either the Bureaucracy is overthrown or the workers are reformed, Tne latter option might seem to be a bit of a joke. M. Rakowski, however, obviously lacks a sense of humour, because this is exactly the option he endorses, "Those who work honestly", he says, "are demanding stern sanctions against the loafers, introduction of rigid discipline for creating a situation in which the whole of soclety would respect as compensation for the recent rise in prices. 9. Guaranteed automatic increases in pay on the basis of Increases in prices and the decline In real Income, 10. A full supply of food products for the domestic market, with exports limited to surpluses.

11. The abolition of "commerclal'"' prices and of other sales for hard currency In special shops.

12. The selection of management personnel on the basis of qualifications, not party membership, Privileges of the secret police, regular police and party apparatus are to be eliminated by equalizing family subsidies, abolishing: special stores, etc. 13. The introduction of food coupors for meat and meat products (during the period In which control of the market situation is regained).

14, Reduction in the age for retirement for women to 50 and for men to 55, or after 30 years! employment in Poland for women and 35 years for men, regardless of age, 15. Conformity of old-age pensions and annuities with what has actually been paid in. 16, Improvements in the working conditions of the health service to insure full medical care for wor= kers, 17. Assurances of a reasonable number of places in day-care centres and kindergartens for the children of working mothers.

18, Paid maternity leave for three years, 19, A decrease in the waiting period for apartments.

SOCIALIST REPUBLIC PAGE 5

work'', It is with these "honest!!

workers, according to Rakowski, that the government should ally.

The language used by the Polish bureaucracy, "lazy", "loafers", to draw attention away from the priveleges and corruption of their position is similar to that used by the ruling class in capitalist countries in the face of their own crisis, While socialists should recognise’ the gains for workers made under a nationalized economy, none of the workers! states in existence can be deseribed as ‘socialist because they lack the essential feature of socialism, genuine democracy. Proletarian democracy means democracy of the revolutionary party and democracy in society: workers!

councils, community representative organisations, freedom of discuss-— ion — all delegates and public representatives paid the workers!

wage and subject to recall at any time. No party which aspires toa socialist society can be revolutionary until it recognises the importance of socialist democracy and puts this into practice, We say to__ the Irish Communist Party not to let their support for a workers! state blind them to the political realities of that state; the corrup= tion and priveleges of the bureaucracy and the alienation of the Polish working class,

AIDEEN O'HALLORAN

THE GOANSK

AERO

Gdansk shipyard workers -carry strike leader Lech Walesa on their shoulders after winning demands. 20. An increase in the commuter'!s allowance to 100 zlotys from 40, with a supplemental benefit on sep— aration. 21. A day of rest on Saturday.

Workers In the brigade system or round-the-clock jobs are to be compensated for the loss of free Saturdays with increased leave or other pald time off,

Scan page 7

SOCIALIST REPUBLIC PAGE 6

The fight of women to control our bodies is widening. In both the North and the South, struggles for the right to safe and legal abortion have begun. In the six counties, individuals and representatives from different women's groups have come together to form a Right to Choose campaign. In the 26 Counties, a number of women have formed a Right to Choose group, which has sponsored the Irish Pregnancy Counselling Centre — _the first independent abortion referral service in the whole of the 32 Counties. Both of these developed independently of each other, though the women involved intend to liase with each other and are considering a 32 Co. co-ordination. Both will be coming together at the ICASC working conference (International Campaign for Contracep-— tion -- for legal safe abortion and against forced sterilisation) in Dublin, October 18th/19th.

The abortion debate is coming up in the South at a time when the contraception question has yet to be resolved. Fianna Fail with their Family Planning Act (to be finally implemented in November) is a restrictive and discriminatory attempt to use the debate to cover up its inadequacies. The regulations mention clinics who do .

referrals will not be licencea, The aftermath of the Campaign Against Corrie in Britain uncovered the fact of thousands of Irish women who have aborted, Day after day, newspaper reports, letters, radio and TV have commented cn the 10, 000 or so Irish women who have availed of facilities in Britain. It is nota situation anyone can turn a blind eye to. One group which certainly hasn'!t is the newly formed Dublin Right to Choose Group. Confidently basing themselves on the realities of 10,000 women who have already chosen, they have launched a call for a campaign. The referral centre is stage one -- the aim being to move towards decrimina— lising abortion (as women who abort are liable to life imprisonment).

And the same is the case in the North, Women who are prochoice are demanding that the facilities-available in Britain should be extended to the North. And we would agree, as long as the Six Counties remain under British rule, any legislation that will help to remove the burden of women must be be seen as positive. But "parity"!

with Britain is not enough. Campaigns should be fought on women!s needs now, in the Six Counties.

The !'67 Act must not only be extend extended but expanded in accordance with the wishes of women who live there, It is only those who are fiercely in favour of the status quo, Loyalists, Unionists, who have anything to fear from this and these have consistently used their vote to veto democratic rights.

Others in the Anti Imperialist/ Nationalist communities who resist abortion and contraception as evil British plots are sadly mistaken.

When Irish women who resist British occupation take to the streets streets to fight for choice, they will have some questions to answerl

CONTROL OF FERTILITY

For many women, the fight for the fright to Choose is a logical step from the contraception battle.

Both are about choice and control.

Both states, North and South, have a history of resisting democratic demands, especially on Issues of sexual freedom. Right to » Choose Partition and the resultant consolidation of the Church-State link, has meant the entrenchment of reactionaries as the status quo.

Artificial "religious" majorities have blocked the natural develop— ment towards more secular societies.

CAP ORGANISES RESISTANCE

Fundamental changes are resisted, piecemeal reforms are more the order of the day. The Haughey Family Planning Act is a typical example. It Is with renewed vigour that the new plan of campaign of the Contraception Action Programme should be supported, PD comrades in CAP have successfully won the support of activists around a plan of galvanising the already widespread opposition to the Act. Its implementation in November must be met with the widest mobilisation possible.

In that framework of a large show of strength on November ist, CAP will argue for a principled defence of those resisting the Act. Access for All, Oppose the Act is the slogan that all against the Act are asked to rally round. A national network Is being established which will aim to centralise all activity against the Family Planning Act under the slogan. From this, a first step towards extending the united front that CAP Armagh Prison Struggle: an : For ALL Facets Many people have by now heard of the horrific conditions that 30 women live in, day by day, in Armagh jail. These women, protesting for political status, live with dirt, fear and degradation every minute of every day.

At a recent public meeting organised by the Armagh Prisoners! Solidarity Committee (APSC), Margaretta D'Arcy spoke of just what it was like to live under these conditions, Margaretta is one of the Armagh11 who were arrested, charged and convicted of 'assauilt! aftera picket of Armagh prison on International Women!ts Day 1979. She served a sentence of four months with another of the Armagh 11, Liz, and was released on August 13th. One of the things Margaretta spoke about, which even the most concerned people can forget, is the isolation the prisoners feel from the rest of the world, It is true they are told of people fighting for them on the outside and are strongly encouraged by the protests directly outside the prison.

But still ideas and political discussion move on outside at a different pace, The discussion of the relationship of feminism to the republican women prisoners, and all the changing aspects of modern lifestyle move on outside their confines.

They are sometimes left out of discussions and afraid of becoming institutionalized. Therefore, it is important for every one of us to make an effort to assure them of our support by sending regular nD postcards to any or all of the 30 women, There is a 50% chance of them getting through the censors, Margaretta also spoke of their amazing high spirits and a strong will to survive. The women are tough with themselves and never allow each other to cry or show weakness that could immediately be turned to the advantage of the male or female prison warders, For the same reason, If possible, the women do not make any contact, either verbal or physical, with the warders, Even though the food is cold and stodgy, the women seemed to get enough. They have very little exercise, are locked up ina small cell 23 hours a day, yet they all seem to be losing weight rapidly.

The case of Pauline McLoughlin must be pointed out, Pauline has always had a history of a weak stomach, and even when she has been detained on remand she often got sick after eating. While on protest for the last two years, she was several times declared unflt for punishment and would be taken off the protest and allowed parcels and visits until her weight improved, and then she would again be declared fit for punishment and the parcels stopped yet again.

Then in July, with her weight reduced to 6 stone or less, she was rushed to Musgrove Park hospital and then the coronary unit of the Belfast City Hospital. After a week she was still not diagnosed and was callously sent back to the prison where there is little chance of her getting any treatment or care. There are also reports from the prison that since the British government saved themselves from a grave embarassment and "released!! Marian Price for urgent medical treatment that her sister Doloyrs! health is also rapidly declining. Irish Women Demand the and PD has worked to build. perspectives to stabilise unity around other central projects, i.e. a Tribunal to assess the enforcement of the act next spring, anda "watchdog!!! campaics = +: the kinds of projects PD will be arguing for within CAP and the Access For All. The struggle for free legal and safe contraception is not only a struggle to defend the gains already made, i.e. keeping the clinics in operation as they exist now, but at the same time to extend those gains, This means of necessity extending the class basis of the campaign. We must also turn youth to the campaign.

Empty sloganising (as some left groups do) however, is not enough.

We need a coherent strategy. We must fight to get the labour movement to defend the gains already made, We must fight to get the labour movement to campaign to open up access to contraception and in this the Health Boards are key.

For it is these that service the medical service. We must begin to defend the rights of young people to a sexual life. Consistent propa-— ganda and limited initiatives (such as the CAP Youth & Contraception seminar) are a start. The deepening of the contraception struggle and the emergence of an abortion campaign indicate the growing social crisis within both states. Both under imperialist domination and with capitalist ‘economies are unable to meet the real needs of women and women will not wait. They will not "stand Idly by", Antiimperialists and socialists, and republicans must see to it that their struggles will not run up a cul de sac In Partitioned Ireland, but progress forward In the general social upheaval that will surely accompany the demise of British imperialism, We can only ensure this by becoming Involved in and committed to these struggles, Issue Support and discussion continues outside Armagh jall. Since Women Against Imperialism took the InIthative and focussed attention on Armagh the republican movement has been pushed towards recognizing women's particular needs and demands, At the same time, the womens! movement has been con=fronted with a question which has dogged Its potentlal for developing its influence, We cannot allow a scandal such as Armagh Jall pass us by If we are feminlIsts and anti- Imperlallsts,

SUPPORT THE ARMAGH WOMEN

ANNE O!BRIEN

The Armagh Prisoners! Solidarity Committee (APSC) and the National H-Block Committee recently met in Dundalk to elect an eleven person committee in order to broaden the existing Armagh campalgn. The meeting attracted over 100 people, most of whom had not been previously active in raising the Issue of Armagh. Proposals were put forward by both Sinn Fein and the APSC. These dealt with how to raise Armagh at all H-Block public meetings, and the specific problems of women prisoners, Issues such as sexual abuse and intimidation and the lack of medical and childcare facilities, should be automatically mentioned in all publicity concerning the women prisoners, It was decided that the primary task of this eleven person committee was

ARMAGH CAMPAIGN BROADENS

to support the demands of the women prisoners and win large numbers of women to support them In every pos-= sible way. Many people at the meeting were concerned that no members of the exlis—ting Dublin APSC were elected, It was decided before the meeting closed that Ruth Talllon of the Dublin committee was to be co-opted on to the committee. Further cooptions will hopefully result In peo people from Limerick Cork and Galway joining the new committee, The 12 elected in Dundalk were; Rita O'Hara, Slobhan Molloy, Elleen MacMullan, Marie MacMahon, Martha MacClelland, Rose MacAllister, Mairead Logue, Liz Lagrua, Margaretta D'Arcy, Ruth Talllon, Mick O'Riain,

FELICE COHEN

Scan page 8

SOCIALIST REPUBLIC PAGE 7

in the August edition of 'Socialist 9 Republic! we predicted that even given the universal rejection of | | green paper proposals, Atkins B @ would desperately push ahead with plans for devolution. This prediction has now been confirmed by Atkins himself. In a major speech on August 14th, he listed British if only, plans and warned local politicians ; >| that he would go ahead even without . ) their consent, ee > t\Z = a (Bas, ( He listed the following proposals: S) 1. Stormont without security or SE finance powers a si 2. No Irish dimension AS f 3. A vague commitment that 'appropee : ee riate arrangements be made to take Not dispensable = account of the interests of the minority!, And went on to warn unionists if they did not at least verbally swal= low point 3., that the British would press ahead anyway. '!The government is committed to this legislation!

ee and will be extremely disappointed if it were not brought in in the coming session!, Socialist Republic also predicted a steady increase im repression. Atkins confirmed this with a speech on August 13th when he congratulated the RUC on their defence of the Apprentice Boys! march and announced that the RUC and UDR would take over riot control duty. If the anti-unionists are crushed then any scheme, no matter how unstable, For months now, there has been a of prisoners to associate freely political status, which is the central will become possible.

serles of meetings between Humph—- there was to be no movement, requirement for the prisoners, rey Atkins and Cardinal O Fialch The fact that the SDLP and Haughey accompanied by Bishop Daly of Derry, ALL DEMANDS FOR POLITICAL The other point that must be made is are still involved in these discus— The subject of the meeting, we have STATUS that OIF laich and Daly have no man- sions around these proposals show been told Is the situation In the date to negotiate on behalf of the pris— | that there is nothing they would not H-Blocks and Armagh, But very What attitude should we take to the oners. No one can object to them agree to to restore stability here.

little else Is known about these Atkins-O!Fialch talks? There can making representations on behalf of the meetings which have been held In be no doubt but that the prisoners prisoners but obviously the only people] A bit more pressure from the secret, as both sides have remained would welcome greater visiting who can negotiate on the issue of the British and they will cave in like very tight-lipped about areas of agree- rights and more frequent letters. Two WH-Blocks and Armagh are the pris- wet spaghetti and welcome Stormont ment or disagreement. of the prisoners! five basic demands oners themselves. with open arms.

concern just such points. But neither Some Indication as to what Is happen- Is there any doubtthat the prisoners* The National Snash H-Block Commit- Its time anti-imperialists turned the Ing was given however, by Atkins in struggle would continue even If such tee would do well to reiterate this searchlight on this blatant an Interview with Downtown Radio In demands were granted, The prison- point publicly. It would also do well collaboration. We must demand an early August. Here he indicated ers! five demands cannot be bartered to demand that the Cardinal and the immediate end to the talks and unite that the British government might be over, They stand together and only blshop give a full account of to defend the prisoners and prevent prepared to make some concession the unconditional granting of all five their talks with Atkins. Secret dip- repression by the RUC and the UDR on such Issues as visiting rights and demands would represent a genuine lomacy has always led to the betrayal against the anti-unlonist population.

receipt of letters, But on the more victory. Only when the flve demands of the Irish people in the past} substantial Issues such as the right are taken together do they add up to JOHN MCGEOAN: JOHN MAC ANUL TY 21st August this year marked the tenth year of the SDLP's existence.

The majority of the members, from & motives of either modesty or prudence, allowed the event to pass 9 i in decent obscurity. SDLP leader John Hume was not so circumspect.

In a major speech, he dramatically illustrated once again the capacity of that organisation for accomodation, ; What in Hume's view was the high point of the past ten years? The nogo areas? The fall of Stormont?

These aren't even mentioned. For the SDLP, they fade into insignificance compared to their experience of power in the 1974 '!power sharing!

executive. The dizzy joys of position excuse, in their eyes, the propping up of Faulkner, their backing for the RUC and UDR and the savage attacks which they led on the rents and rates strikers.

In Hume's speech, a condemnation of Britain's failure to support power sharing is linked with a continuing belief in imperialism's abllity to reform the North — a glaring example of the illogic of reformism, Perhaps Hume's wildest claim is that the SDLP has prevented the re-establishment of Loyalist rule.

In fact, their whole strategy has been to negotiate the re-stabilisation of partition and they have therefore paved the way for every attempt to restore Stormortt. And they have = es : uO built this strategy on a whole series Ruiz: Spot the odd quit 7 of betrayals.~ from the betrayal of MNSWER: Faulkner —- he is No tonger in a pos!

the internees to today's blatant dis-— A 7c missal of the H-Block prisoners. 0 con anyone. He is aiso one of the few opportun-— te who failed to join the SOLP Time and time again, the SDLP have tried to sell out and time and time without even any offer of reform by no talks until this repression is He seems to have forgotten but the again, they have been prevented by the British. Its up to the anti- stopped, Irish working class hasn't — and the mass power of anti-unionists imperialist movement to shift the it's not likely to let the SOLP, from succeeding. Yet again, they focus back to the plight of the pris- After Bloody Sunday, Hume called stand in its way for another ten are involved in talks —- this time oners and to demand that there be for 'a United Ireland or Nothing!. years,

Scan page 9

POBLACHT SHOISIALACH

SOCIALIST REPUBLIC

Paper of PEOPLES’ DEMOCRACY THE PEOPLES DEMOCRACY bases itself on the following points: We agree that the central :political question for the Irish people is the political, economic and military domination of Ireland by imperialism and tha€t the central task for the Irish revolution is the solution of the national question through the ending of partition and achievement of political and economic independence. We are united in our rejection of the claim that any lasting solution to the oppression of the Irish people can be found within a 6 county framework, and in our rejection of any "right!" of the Loyalist minority to continue partition, As Marxists we believe that the capltalist state must be smashed and replaced by a workers! state and that only the organised wor- On August the 13th Jack Hermon, Chief constable of the RUC, made a major speech on the role of the RUC, He said that 'wrongdoing!

by members of the force would be exposed and dealth with - there was 'Ino hiding place! in the RUC for lawbreakers, By itself, this might have caused no more than a certain wry amusement amongst the victims of the orange gangsters. But the effusive responses from the SOLP and Sinn Fein - the Workers! Party (SFWP) make the issue something less than a joke.

B SPECIALS - RUC?

A glance at the history of the past twelve years shows just how ludicroud Harmon's statement was, The British police investigating the killing of Sean Devenney in Derry at the beginning of the Civil Rights struggle testified to a 'conspiracy’ of silence! within the RUC. The Cameron and Hunt reports, and more recently the Bennett report, testify to the sectarian brutality of the RUC, without being able to reform it. The pogroms of '69, and the constant king class can provide the motive force for doing this. We believe that a crucial area of capitalist oppression is women, and this is especially so in Ireland, given the history of clerical power here. Women are oppressed as a sex and even a successful revolution will not automatically guarantee the elimination of this oppression. For this reason, we unconditionally support the right of women to organise independently to fight for their emancipation, As Marxists, we believe that the working class has the ability to successfully challenge and defeat imperialism, It produces the wealth of society without being able to control or distribute it. It is potentially stronger than any other class because of its ability to organise on amass base, combining its economic strength and its “a vicious oppression since then, show Chief Constable, Jack Hermon.

clearly how the RUC remains a force orange bigots leavened with a few quisling thugs from the Nationalist community. Nothing testifies more strongly to the failure of any reform that the fact that no RUC member has ever been charged with any murder or assault committed on duty over the past twelve years.

RUC IMPARTIALITY -A JOKE]

The grounds for Hermon!s claims rests on a senies of arrests of RUC members over the past months for their involvement in Leoyalist gangs - William McCaughey and his assoc-— iates for killings, bombings anda kidnapping in the Co Derry/Armagh areas — and more recently, the arrest of Sergeant McCormick for robberies and the killing of a RUC man. Just what are these arrests intended to accomplish? It can not be to charge all those involved in loyalist groups in the past. If this were so 20-30% of the RUC, including sections of the present leadership, would be charged with participation in the 'For Ulster! group in 1974 -1975. What is intendedis to stop the present participation of RUC men in loyalist groups and arrest those who refuse to pay attention to a 'nod and wink! from their superiors, There is nothing new about this. In the twenties, members of the B Specials were interned in order to stop activity in the loyalist groups which Stormont felt was no longer necessary and even embarassing.

It will take a lot more than this to reform the RUC, Its sectarianism rests not on the individual bigotry of the members but in the very nature of the force. All police forces exist to protect property rights and class rule - this is why Marxists oppose them. Because the North is a sectarian state, the RUC is inevitably a sectarian force.

In defence of this state, they and the British saturate anti-unionist areas and torture and imprison antiimperialists while ignoring and even collaborating with the sectarian gangsters of the UDA and UVF.

REPRESSION AND "SECURITY!

Hermon's statement is more than just an opportunist use of some arrests. It was also the announcement of an increased presence in the ghettoes and anew RUC, He said: 'the message coming through to the RUC is that the community wants and needs policing!'', We can only assume that this message was conveyed by notes wrapped around the bricks that Nationalist youth were throwing at the RUC during the August demonstrations.

But however much or little the antiunionists want policing, Hermon and Atkins.are going to ensure that they get it. The RUC alongside the Army set out to disrupt demonstrations, to Provoke violence (by praising the Union Jack and screaming 'Fenian bastards! on the Andersonstown Rd.

strength of numbers, We accept that workers have the right to defend themselves against imperialism, However, wedo not accept the ideology of militarism - the belief that armed groups can substitute themselves for the masses and win freedom for them, We believe in the building of an organised and experienced |eadership, in a Marxist party based on the Leninist theory of party organisation: the central feature of which is democratic centralism.

The organisation is internationalist. It commits itself to holding an organised discussion with repres-— entatives of the Fourth Inter= national on the question of affiliation to the Fl. Members of the organisation may hold individual membership of the Fl.

FUND DRIVE

In the July issue, we launched an appeal for a support Fund for Socialist Republic. With a target of £50 per issue, the fund has been slow to get off the ground. Holidays and theSummer lull are the cause.

There are big issues to be covered, H-Block Campaign, N. Wage Agreement, Contraception and Abortion campaigns, You want to read about them, we want to write about them. Send all you can to: Paper Fund, 38 Clanawley Road, Killester, Dublin 5. July: Taggart Brady £5 £5 Belfast PD £16 August: O'Leary ) Kavanagh) Plough ) Taggart Dublin £20.50 Kerr 1.50 Conway 50 Gallagher 50 £5 £5 Target: £100 Money in: 58. 50 Subscribe Now - ensure your copy regularly. 12 issues - Ireland, England, Scotland & Wales: £2, 50 12 issues - Europe: £3, 00 12 issues - Elsewhere: £3. 50 e Guilty One TABLE: The imperialist forces in the North British Army 11, 900 Local Forces:

RUC 7, 000

RUC reserve 5, 000

UDR 7,500

Total 19, 500 Total imperialist forces 31, 400

RUC: NO BAD

for example), and then to smash opposition with the maximum force, With four dead and several young people seriously injured by plastic bullets. In Derry, they fulfilled their traditional role by defending the Apprentice Boys! coat-trailing - including their right! to flaunt the banner donated by RUC murderer McCaughey. Even more traditional was their assault on protesting antiunionist youth afterwards, On the following day, Atkins congratulated the RUC on their work and announ— ced that the RUC and UDR were to come to the fore in riot control with the eventual aim of returning the British army to barracks (see table).

WHO DARES TO SPEAK?

Against this background of continuing violence by the state forces and plans for further attacks, we have to view comments on Hermon!s speech - a call by Michael Canavan, SDLP law and order spokesman, for support for the RUC anda statement by Jim Sultivan of SF WP saying that only a small minority of policemen are 'bad!

apples! and need to be weeded out.

Both organisations followed up on these statements with condemnations of the young people who fought the RUC as 'hooligans! - a description that unfortunately the Provisionals also supported. The SFWP and SDLP base their support for the RUC on the hopeless dream of a reformed six counties and

APPLES

JUST PUTRID ORANGES

their refusal to fight for a lasting solution based on a United Ireland.

In the absence of any real reform, they are reduced to greeting with cries of joy the solemn assurances - of the RUC themselves! Their hope for any peace and stability under a reformed RUC is similar to a hope that Jews could find peace and stability under a reformed SS,

ANTI- IMPERIALIST UNITY

But this ludicrous collaboration is balanced by the fightback that developed against RUC invasions all over the six counties - a resistance that was largely spontaneous and which the the British themselves admit was broader and more determined than anything since the heights of the struggle in 1972 - '73. Of course, this was marred by its unco-ordinated nature and by pointless and undirected acts which.

greatly inconvenienced the local population. The anti-imperialist movement must bear responsibility for this. They have a duty to defend the areas and to organise a united political fightback against the RUC which would provide leadership for the young people on whom ‘the brunt of the repression falls. This res— ponsibility nas nut aisappeared but will become even greater as the RUC and UDR move to consolidate their position and anti-imperialists look for leadership and organization in order to resist.

JOHN NORTH

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