Chronology of ae ees

Crises of 30 per cent. 3,000 workers at Lenin Shipyard (Gdansk) hold mass meeting, followed by a strike and demonstrations. strikes in Gdynia, Elblag, Szczecin. strikes in Katowice (Upper Silesia), and Pozmassacre of workers i in Gdynia; tanks; all of nan.

Baltic region on strike, as well as in Wroclaw, Krakow. strikes in large factories in Warsaw.

Central Committee replaces Gomulka with Gierek.

Gierek announces economic concessions. strikes continue for political changes and a return to 1966 prices.

1971 24 Jan Gierek’s 9-hour discussion with workers in Szczecin on trade union and press independence, 11 Feb women in textile factories strike in Lodz followed by mass strike in Lodz. 15 Feb Gierek, after secing the Soviets, announces 2-year price freeze at '66 levels.

The workers’ committees which emerged out of the strike committees continued to function for months, some for a year.

1976 Ee ema es 24 June Government announce food price increases. 25 June Radom — demonstration, violence, fighting with police, 17 dead, 2000 arrested.

Ursus — workers rip up Warsaw-Paris railway tracks, demonstration, 600 arrested, 1000 suspended for !-3 months.

Piock — demonstration, 100 arrested, 150 refinery workers sacked. 25 June in the evening the Government cancels the Intercontinental Press Vol WW ONe at Auqust i 1980 USA $1 UK 305 WORKERS’ STRIKES toration of capitalism.

The history of the Polish workers movement is one of the most militant in Europe. From the beginning of this century they have been in the forefront of all the waves of class struggle which swept the world, But they showed one critical weakness - a persistent treac-— hery by their own political leaders. On each occasion they rejected those leaders only to be betrayed by their new "saviours!!, But now they have learned from experience. When Gomulka was kicked out in 1970 they did not place much confidence in Gierek, who came forward as the voice of "'democracy!! and "enlightenment'', Now they have gotten rid of him too. The Polish bureaucracy have no one left with any standing to replace him. The workers no longer want "saviours" but their rights.

NO TO CAPITALISM If the Polish bureaucrats have no credibility neither has the capiWhat exactly is the economic nature of the crisis? A leading member of the Polish United Workers! Party, M. Rakowski, is quoted: "Many of these negative phenomena'!, he says ''stem from the fact that quite :a sizable number of production workers do not link their dreams of a better life with better, more efficient work", What else does this mean except that a "sizable number"! of workers are lazy and selfish? And is this just an "economic!! problem? Of course not. Unwittingly , the Irish Socialist spells out the implications when it admits that: "In political terms this often means that there is a passive attitude towards Government economic drives from impor— tant segments of the population", Exactly. The truth is that the Polish workers are alienated from the government. The "economic!! problem is precisely a tension between the workers and those who hold political power, work'', It is with these "honest! workers, according to Rakowski, that the government should ally.

The language used by the Polish bureaucracy, "lazy", "loafers", to draw attention away from the priveleges and corruption of their position is similar to that used by the ruling class in capitalist countries in the face of their own crisis, While socialists should recognise’ the gains for workers made under a nationalized economy, none of the workers! states in existence can be deseribed as ‘socialist because they lack the essential feature of socialism, genuine democracy.

Proletarian democracy means democracy of the revolutionary party and democracy in society: workers! councils, community representative organisations, freedom of discuss-— ion - all delegates and public representatives paid the workers! wage and subject to recall at any time.