Socialist Republic: Vol. 6 no. 5, August 1983

SOCIALIST REPUBLIC

Reagan Plots All-Out War OUTSIDE IRELAND 25p. "I don't want war in Central America' d Ronald Reagan in a press conference in Washington on July 27. That's obviously why he has sent 5,000 combat troops for 'military exercises" in Honduras and the Caribbean. The truth is that far from seeking peace US imperialism is plotting all-out war to crush the revolutionary uprisings in Central America and the Caribbean. As opposition to US involvement in the affairs of the Central American people has grown, Reagan's govern: ment has actually stepped up the pressure on the Sandinista government in Nicaragua and on the revolutionary forces in El Salvador and Guatemala. And of course the US aggression against Cuba has increased.

In Nicaragus for the past fix months counter-tavolhe dictaror Somoza's National Guard have been making attacks that they take theie cur ponte. Not only that but the contras work hand in glove with the Honduran army which has even provided artillery cover for the 'contras" border incursions into Nicaragua. The appointment of Henry Kissinger, the

INTERNED

PRICE: 20p. IOp, Unemployed and Strikere.

Nicaragua: architect of the later stages of the Vietnam war, to head a commission of inquiry into the situation in Central America has raised both scorn and alarm among such props of the US establishment as the New York Times and the Los Angeles Times. They fear that Reagan's policy will lead to an all-out war between Nicaragua and Honduras, followed by a new Vietnam with direct US mäitary en- Reagan fears that the example of the Sandin atas in throwing off the yoke of dictator ship will be followed. not only by other parti of Central America such as El Salvador and Guatemala but also by the powerful working class in Brazil, Chife and Argentina. If the US succeed in their campaign of intimidation it will set back the pros pect of working class ad-

INTERNMENT

12 YEARS ON.

IN THE NORTH

WE ARE STILL

POBLACHT SHOISIALACH

BELIZE

SUATEMALAY

EL SALADS

vance in Latin America and boost the US wardrive world-wide; That is why it is in the interests of Irish workers and the anti-imperialist movement to give full support to the campaign to get the US out of Central America. We should On August 9th, twelve years ago, British roops burst into working-class homes all over the North and dragged Nationalist workers from their beds; most were to spend the next few years in concentration camps, but first they had to run the gauntlet of savage beatines and brutality, and a number of guineapigs' were reserved for even more savage and systematic torture and sensory deprivation. On this year's August 9th, supporters of the frish struggle here and around orate this crime against the Irish people. But the last round of internment was the latest in a long

HONDURAS

¿NICARAGUA

COSTA RCA

demand an end to the complicity of the Irish government with US aggression revealed in the permitted CIA sabotage of a recent Dail debate on Central America. And we should start now to ensure that the national line of such atrocities. What we will be commemorating even more will be the fact that it didn't work: that after an initial hesitation, the mass struggle against imperialism became even stronger and more determined. That mass struggle has not yet defeated imperialism and built a workers' republic. So we remain interned, interned by partition, by the imperialist exploitation of our country, and by the various methods that the British installed at their leisure to replace interment -special laws, Nothe world will commem jury courts, Torture, and as was recently and tragi cally shown in both Lurgan and Armach. the license of the UDR. RUC and Paper of PEOPLES' DEMOCRACY Vol. 6. No. 5, AUGUST 1983

ST PANAMA

mobilisations needed to end that complicity begin to be built in readiness for any stepping up of US or Honduran moves against Nicaragua. Ciaran MacNamidhe BRITS to shoot to kill when dealing with the Nationalist population. But these forms of intem ment have not broken our spirit. The massive vote for Sinn Fein shows the level of continuing resistance to British rule, and the H-Block movement showed the power of a united move ment in action. The challenge today comes not from British brutality or our ability to endure it but from the political challanges thrown up by the struggle itself. The failure of internment led eventu ally to the fall of Stormont; now the Assembly repre sents the first toe-hold in a British push to restore it.

But our response now must be an all-Ireland one, and

US HANDS OFF

CENTRAL AMERICA!

SOLIDARITY WITH

REVOLUTIONARY

NICARAGUA!

must take into account the increasingly open collaboration between the 26-Caunty capitalists and the British.

It must also take into accbunt the major economic offensive of imperialism, and advance a class struggle answer to the cuts, the closures and the dole queues.

No doubt this August once again, Nationalist youth in, the Six Counties will res pond violently to the Brit ish prosence. We sympathise with this reaction, and recognize that it is youth who can provide the lead for a militant fightback, but after the demonstratiors of resentment comes the need to build, organise and forge a massive move ment that can secure the right of self - determination for the whole trish people.

activism and the strength of the left inside the movement holds out many promises of political change in the Republican In one area - the policy of Republicans towards the British working class and the Labour Party left - there has been a clear change in political attltudes.

sformed that change of attitude into action, Adams' visit generated what no amount of bombs could have done a direct and open response from sections of the British working class in support of British Withdrawal from Irelsud. ions generated future action - as Gerry Adams himself sald the touchstone for the united solidarity work in Britain is support of self detemination meeting. to censor them - not if you want Ity among British workers.

We in Peoples Democracy could also remark wryly that the conditions for building an open not differ that much from the guidelines that Gerry Adams laid down for a broad based British covement. of the self organization of the working class is the touchstone.

Clerys, a legend in shopping and a fairy tale In wanes" runs one of the placards on the picket line outside Clery's in Dublin.

The workers have been out: on strike since June 24th.

Many feel they'll be out for August as well. There are more than 360 sales, clerical and display staff fighting for union recog nition and for pay increase: Traditionally, the IUDWC (Irish Union of Distributive Workers and Clerks) has represented the distributive trades. But many workers were critical of the lack of

EDITORIAL

GERRY ADAMS IN LONDON

The Sinn Fein turn to electoral Movement. Gerry Adams' Visit to London tran- The discussguidelines for for the Irish people. and not the IRA's military campaign.

This position shows up the sheer stupidity of those who heckled the critical Labour MP at the Islington Of course its necessary to answer these criticisms but not to see a real movement of solidarand united moverent in Ireland do In both cases a willingness to build opposition to the British presence on the basis CLERYS - The Wages we need, leadership and the fact that they were falling behind wages and conditions won by other unions. This could be put down to the old guard of the IUDWC, which with rapidly shrinking membership has brought 'new militant' John Mitchell to head up the Union, To date, the IUDWC has lost in PMPA and Clerys to the ITGWU. Of course, there is interunion rivalry here. The IUDWC is haemorrhaging and the ITGWU (already losing thousands through redundancies) must deliver In the long run a real coverent of support in Britain will depend on a real mass movement here.

The action of Leon Brittan In benning the Sing Fein MP from visiting Irish prisoners shows the level of British eatsblishment hysteria generated by any dialogue between British and Irish workers.

The ludicrous excuse that Owen Carron had been allowed to exercise that right elected as a Sinn Fein MP shows just how baseless and vindictive British Covernment attacka are.

Yet agaln the votes of Nationalist workers ar- set as nothing against the spite of the Tories. well serve as an inital test of the new atrosphere of solidarity.

Are those labour MP's now prepared to meet Sinn Fein also prepared to protest this attack on democratic rightsi out those visits denled to Gerry Adams and to act on the prisoners' grievances? Hume got to say ? -ate with Sinn Fein to ensure communication with the prisoners.

and protest the ban TD's think of Foreign Minister Barry's cheering on of British attacks? These But following Gerry Adans' London visit two things are clear. The first is the real political opportunities in dialogue with the British left. need to move quickly fron united discusstop to united action to defend our rights. the goods or give up the opportunity to increase members, Unions are feeling the effects of job losses and this increases competition for members. This tension of course is completely in the employers' interests, Clery's chief executive, Arthur Walls, can express pessimism about an early settlement, and save thousands during these summer months, a traditionally slow period for the big stores, Ivianagement here is also determined to resist.

the militant approach of the ITGWU No. 2 branch -

SUBSCRIBE!

socialist republic because he was not we suggest that this issue might Are they prepared to carry In Ireland what has Will he collabor What do other are suggestions only. The second is the which the workers want to join - to seek wage increases above the 'national norm' and the offer of 2.36 over 14 months. Clory's workers are an example of the low rates of.

pay in the distributive trade: A workers maximum is EIOI per weck. Commission can: be cared but this is unrel- Table and can be as low as E5 a week. Inter union rivalry and the right of workers to join a union of their choice have complicated a fight for goodyear does with the closure of the Goodyear Tyre Plant in Craigavon. multi-national conglomerate, Goodyear set up in the North in 1960 taking full advantage of the incentives offered by the former Unionist Goverument at Stormont under Capt. Terence O'Neill.

promise to create 2,000 Jobs was never realised. Goodyear claim the plant had become a loss operator in an attempt to justity the closure.

But Goodyear is a multi-national the practice of opening plants in dry up. the North Goodyear have Invested an banks that happen to have Coodyear as a major shareholder.

The Union we want! a decent basic wage. In this regard, the ITGWU is no angel and has often obstructed (aided by bureaucratic Congress rules) their former members going to other unions. In these times of recession and austerity government policies with serious long term consequences for trades union organisation and a structural weakening of the working class, unions should be fighting together.

A national drive among all unions in the distributive trades to raise the level I2 Івацев $4.50р Ireland: I2 1ssueв 26.50p Elsewhere: Name.. Address. Country... a de lorean More than 700 jobs have been lost A massive The which makes record breaking profits each year due, in no amall part, to places 1ike Treland, grabbing all!

the free hand-outs and tax concesstons and shutting shop when these Throughout its years in the profits of the Craigavon plant not in Ireland, but through Americof wages is what's needed.

Meanwhile Clery's workers are marching up and down on hot dusty days. "Morale is fantastic the secretary of the strike committee Sean Nolan said, 'People are determined to stay out until they get what they went on strike for." Messages of support, workplace collections, should be sent to : The Secretary, Strike Committee of Clery's, No 2 Branch ITGWU, Liberty Hall.

VINNIE JACKSON

RANKS INTERVIEW WITH AN ACTIVIST

FIGHTBACK

Interview with HARRY FLEMING, a leader of the Ranks workers" occupation at Ranks Flour Mill in Phibsboro Dublin, July 25.

SR:- Harry, could you bring us up to date with where the struggle with Ranks is right now? HFS- Well, we're back in Dublin now, and the fight will continue from the Dub.

lim site, One major boost is the full support from the No 12 branch (of the ITG- WU) meeting for the blacking of imports and we're optimistic that given that it will go from there to the District Committee then to the Executive and we might get an all-out blacking and maybe we might get back. under the umbrella of the union. SR:- With the government talking so much about jobs today was there any evidence of any attempt to save your jobs by any Government bodies? HF: Well in relation to the IDA there have been articles in the paper purporting to come from the IDA that thane's no money going into Ranks Well a you know we ceased milling on the 4th of February.

We have a documant in our hands addressed to Gordon Bull she director of Ranks Ireland Lad, and it's dated the 7th April Its from the IDA and it states they'd be only too willing to facilitate them in any way they can. So things like this have to be questioned. SR. There's been a lot of confusion created by the press about your fight À Chara, As I contemplate my present position here in the aftermath of the hunger strike, I would first of all like to extend my sincerest appreciation and thanks to all those who worked unselfishly day and night to highlight my situation and secure my freedom. That so many people from all walks of life, at many locations right throughout the world were working and calling for my release is a reflection of the correct approach, enormous amount of hard work and dedication of the Committee and the activists involved. At all times during the hunger strike, even at my and your relations with the workers of Ranks Mill in Limerick. Could you explain these issues for our readers? HF:- The situation in Limerick did turn out very ugly. To begin with we have to state that it's always been about jobs on the Dublin site. The situation was in reverse in Limerick. There were a number of people there who had the same idea as ourselves but due to pressures being brought to bear down there they had to accept monetary compensation. Unfortunately, the greater majority of the Limerick people plumped to accept a lesser deal altogether. WE in Dublin could not accept that givert that even at the bottom line it was the Labour Court recommendation.

Taking that and some of the unsavoury things that happened during the Limerick episode we had people who tried to stand up and fight for jobs and the proper HF: Workers at all costs compensation openly intimidated, wives being abused on the street, tele phone calls, and so on. We had to weigh it all up and decide what was the best thing to do; decide at what cost we could successfully prosecute this thing. We the Dublin workers didn't live in leadership because the Limerick and we had to take our Limerick counterparts into account, look at their side of it. Life wasn't going to be very pleasant for them after we left and we decided that given that we would have to withdraw reluctantly. We drew up proposals for the withdrawal with the Company which the

NICKY KELLY

SPEAKS!

their ability or strategy in regards to the campaign. It is a nice feeling to be able to hold and helps the morale no end. While I am not saying the campaign went perfect, I am sure that the lesson will be learnt from any weakness that showed up. My position now is that: there is a moratorium period for the authorities to act in a honest manner, that is if they want to. Without this so called daim..... blackmail by hunger strike I feel it's essential if this campaion is to be successful that all resources are concentrated on the one single issue, my immediate release.

To achieve this goal the campaign will have to remain as broad based as possible and involve all

FIGHTBACH

the Company have not honcured since. SR: Now that you're back in Dublin how do you see the fight to defend your jobs developing? HF: We have a couple of things in the pipeline. On a much broader front we do hope to organise a meeting with all the sit-in groups for some time in September. We went around the country and got the sit-in groups to sign a document. We're going for you is yourself. The to call a meeting with a view to setting up a central comm work with, not the union ittee that people in the same situation as ourselves can come to for advice. At the moment thare's Clondalkin paper mills, Kingdom Tubes, Carigaline Potteries, McArdles in Dundalk, SNIA.

They'll all be invited given that they are all in occupation at present. SR:- What is your advice to other workers who find themselves in the same situation as yourselves? must defend the jobs. There's a lot of talk about creating new jobs, setting up new industries etc, the amphasis should.be.onjob гетапвоп, workers ежегу where as I see it have tol organise independently now of the trades union leadership does appear to be lacking. Otherwise you wouldn't have workers sitting in throughout the country. If there was diraction and leadership there you wouldn't have a situation like that. SR:- Could you tell us about the support you've broad based as possible is probably more important now, than ever before and all resources should be focused on the one demand

THESE TREASH.

While there is a possibility of success in the court cases I myself am a bit sceptical of the courts. But the cases should gain media exposure and attract a fair amount of public interest. These court cases can proceed at the same time as the broad based campaign without drawing any resources away from the demand for my immediate release. Actually publicity-wise they could complement each other, Finally. I would just like to reiterate once more, that should the buthoritier fail

FIGHTBACK

gotten from other workers?

HF The monetary support we ve gotten from workers in general has been great.

Without that support the like of this fight couldn't continue. SR: What lessons have you drawn from your fight so far? HF:- The only one you can rely on to do any fighting.

union are the people you structure as such. But the union you have within the Job, that is the solidarity of the people you have with you is what you rely on to do your fighting for you.

Its sad to say that you have these structures there which should be providing advice support and so forth but these people are letting jobs go by the thousand. Its being left up to the groups of individuals to fight these things themselves. Most people by the time they establish where they're going they've lost half of their troops. Thia is what its all about If there was a central body that these peop le could go to with their full numbers they'd definitely win something at the end of the day. DONATIONS are urgently needed and can be sent to:- RANKS Strike Relief Fund c/o 69 Barry Avenue, Finglas West, Dublin I or ........ direct to ....... Trustee Savings Bank, Phibsboro, DUBLIN (Rants Strike Relief Fund Account No: -30/30|245108 I will be embarking on hunger strike again and should this situation arise, nobody will be under any illusions about the attitude of the State or for that matter that this whole confi-

SPECIAL

NICKY

not risen with increases in social wel- Frances Chance, HOPE community worker in Finglas, Dublin told a recent public meeting on unemployment. Youth Employment Schemes, promoted by the Youth Employment Agency and The Pinglas Chemployed Action Group who cent HOPE survey which showed unemploy- Finglas the level rises to 31% and of these 26% are not receiving any social assistance. people with no job in one working class area alone! Most people questioned on the survey were cynical about the Government and its policies. Quite a lot were like in Banka, Others felt helpless.

YOUTH RIPPED OFF

roundly condemned as exploitation of young workers, out ie. six months week, When their time is up, out and a pew group replaces them.

Inscrupulous employers (and most are) can keep their business going for years like this, all the time fattening bank accounts. Anco standards, end - no but take no action to end these abuses.

The meeting ended with an outline of the Action Group's demands for an to closures and decent jobs for all.

ict will have to be settled one way or the other. I am sure i don't have to elaborate on this matter. I am as determined so ever in this regard, Someways maybe even more so. My position

FIGHTBACK

finglas unemployed organise "For the first time ever Anco grants have fare and little has been done about it", hosted the meeting gave details of a rement in Finglas running at 25%. In South This amounts to about 5,000 aware of workers fighting back Youth Employment schemes, promoted by the Youth Employment Agency and Manpower were The £77m collected through the 17. levy is used to provide cheap lab- "training" work doing "pommal" duties for employers at £40 per one group their schenes are not much better with low sex discrimination and at the job: The trade unions complain end Anne Speed in this regard i am sure you all can appreciate. Your tremendous concer, support and solidarity is appreciated and gives me great strength.

OURTS

DECLAN BREE SPEAF

Friends, We gather here today to honour Bobby Sands and his colleagues who died on hunger strike in the hell hole of Long Kesh, Bobby Sands, who spent most of his young life imprisoned behind the bars and barbed wire of the foreign oppressor, felt that only a hunger strike, if necessary to the death, would force the British government to drop its criminalisation policy and concede to the five just and legitimate demands of the political prisoners in Long Kesh and Armagh. The British Government in introducing the criminalis ation policy thought it could convey to the world that there was no political problem in the North and that all offences committed SOCIALIST REPUBLIC prints above the text of the speech a section of the crowd who the monozy of the heroic Bobby Sands and his comrades and does no.

self-deteminatin. Declan Bree is associated with the with the Conmuniat Party (CPI).

totally in opposition. CPI's role during was one of equivocatius, refusing support to Block/Armagh Committee, the hunger strike on both the Urban Council. were committed by ordinary criminals. The British Government despite the deaths of the hunger strikers, refused to drop its criminalisation policy, but at the conclusion of the hunger strike campaign that policy lay in tatters. Mrs Thatcher and her Govemment wanted the world to believe that the prisoners in the H Blocks and Armagh were purely crimin als involved for personal gain, but Bobby Sands and his colleagues nailed that lie to the mast. Bobby Sands and his colleagues did not die in vain - their sacrifice did more in a few short months to undermine the British occupation and to undermine British imperialist policy than all the violence of the past 14 years. On the first day of his hunger strike - March Ist Declin Bree was to deliver at the Mullaghmore Commemoration.

We print it in protest at the actions of shouted down Bree and forced him to abandon speaking.

In our view this incident is a slur on service to the continuing struggle for national Connolly Youth Movement, itself linked Bree supports the policies of these organ- Isations to which Peoples Democracy Is But while the the hunger strike for example the National H- Declan Bree pas one of the most active menbets of the Sligo Committee and raised the issue of District Council and on the Trade Union Declan Bree was invited to join the platfore, Having accepted the Invitatcon he refused to be intimidated by the vilification of the Conmenoration by 1981 - Bobby Sands, writing in his secret diary said : Foremost in my tortured mind is the thought that there can never be peace in Ireland until the foreign and oppressive British pres ence is removed, laving all the irish people as a unit to control their own affa irs and determine their own destinies as a sovereign people, free in mind and body, separate and distinct physically, culturally and economically." On Monday March 9th he wrote: 1 always keep thinking of James Conno- Ily, and the great calm and dignity that he showed, right to his very end, his courage and resorve. Perhaps I am biased, because there have beer thousands like him, but Connolly has always been the man E look up to. Like Bobby Sands, Connolly is also the man 1 look up to for Connolly was a Marxist, a socialist and therefore a Republican.

Shortly before his death in 1916 he said: We are ouz for ireland for the Irish.

But who are the Irish? Not

WHAT WE SAY...

this is not the first time Bree has execution in ence st instead denouncing Mountbatten as an for this by AN PHOBLACHT.

speech within the anti-imperialist or censored? in his occupies any part of our country.

Withir his speech Bree cakes other ts. Two of these deserve attention.

L.hat Resuhiieins the rack-renting slum-owning landlord; not the sweating, profit-grinding capitalist; not the sleek and oily lewyer; not the prostitute pressmen - the hired liars of the enemy. Not these are the Irish upon whom the future depends. Not these, but the frish working class.

the only secure foundation upon which a free nation can be reared." Connolly was a Republican in the real sense. He placed.

no trust in the bourgeois catholic nationalists. He pointed out the immense difference between the socialist republicans and the physical foros men. And as we assemble here today, to honour the memory of the hunger strikers.

we should remember that no one group or organisat ion has a monopoly on republicanism. There are thosi, North and South of the barder who would make such a claim. But I would repudiate that claim. Republicanism has its roots in the democratic revolut ionary traditions of the United Irishmen, whose taken such a stand, After Mounthatten's 1979 Bree refused to be associated with a resolution of condol- 11sed through expertence of common the Urban District Council, imperiallat warmonger. He was praised But there is an even more important reason why Bree should have been heard out; the principle of free movement. How can there be united action by anti-impertalists if sincerely held views are suppressed, shorted down Some may argue that Bree stepped over the line, We find no evidence of this speech, much of which expressed the convictions and and aspirations of everyone in the anti-imperialls!.

movenent; that there can be no pear.

in Ireland while an imperiallet army criticisms and political assessments that Peoples Democzacy totally rejec- The first is Bree's Implicit contenhave fanned objective was 'to break the connection with Britain' and whose moans was the winning of political unity of Catholic, Protestant and Dissenter. British Imper- Talism must never be underestimated, In the 1920's it responded to the struggle for independence by forcing partition on the Irish people. The seecs of the present crisis - the violence, deaths and repression - lie in this injustice and are directly Britains responsibility. The setting up of the two states suited the most conservative sections of the bourgeoisle in both states, as they feared that the struggle for independence would go further along the road of social-revolution indicated by Connolly. The continuous political crisis in N. Ireland since October 1968 has clearly shown that the 1920 solution to the Irish question is no longer viable. The overriding obstacle to the achievement of national liberation and social emanc Ipation by the Irish working dass and its allies is British imperialism. But, there are other political forces retard ing progress which must be taken into account particularly in Northern Ireland, where Unionist ideology can still sustain a mass base.

While the forces of the Official Unionist Party, the Dem armed campaigns". This reflects the blinkered view which the CPI has of the clasa struggle in the six counties Although the CPI sectarian foundations and chatacter of the Northero Ireland state, It belleves that the pro-imperialist convictions of protestant workers can be whittled away or at least neutraaction with catholie workers around with this approach, is thst these Shared experiences' are extremely episodic and are constantly prose to break-up through the introduction of the Orange Card!. The explanation for this iies ir of 'class solidarity make for less impression on consciousness than the reality of protestant domination in every decisive sector of society.

The only valid perspective for neutralising or changing the pro-impermunt Involve a general political demoralisation about the prospects of continued loyalist secendency.

The IRA's anned campaign has been a alisation has developed so far. For ical as well as its military aspects ocratic Unionist Party and ather sections of Unionism consciously stand in the way of the Irish people's advance to national liberation and social emancipation,the par.

amilitary campaigns of the Catholic nationalists have seriously damaged the antiimperialist struggle. The results of their military actions have been to provent the defeat of Unionist ideology amongst the Protestant sectors of the population; to alienate the British working dass, so weakening the opportunity to win them away from support of present Westminster policy: to push to one side the democratic struggle for civil rights; and to give British imperialism a pseudo-justification for their policy of reprossion.

In addition, their dedlarad aim of destabillising the Republic of Ireland would in fact objectively strength.

en imperialism's position in Ireland, by further tilting.

the balance of forces in Britain's interest. I say that the way to defeat British Imperialism in Ireland is not by elitist military methods - whether by bomb and bullet in Britain, or in the cities, towns, villanes of.

this country. These actions have provided a pseudo justification for repression and have alienated targe masses of people, in Ireland as well as in Britain. However, the way to overcome the ideas and practice of the Nationalist paramilit aries is not to parrot British Tory government policy,to pander to Unionist sectarian sm or to bolster repression.

acknowledges the "bread and butter' issues. The problem the fact that these fragile Instances islist attitudes of protestant workers significant factor in whatever demor- Peoples Democracy the problen is that republican strategy, both in its polit-

IS AT MULLAGHMORE

The way to overcome them to fight even more resoltely for democracy and a iritish declaration of intent o withdraw from Ireland, nd to win unity around he defence of the common tass interests of working eople, Catholic and Protstant, north and south, riends, Ye must say it loud and lear - The Irish people have fundamental democratic ght to unity and indepenence. This right was most latantly suppressed by the ndemocratic imposition 1 partition, an imposition hat establishes Britain's entral guilt and responsiility for the political crisis 1 Ireland. lut Britain will not leave reland merely because the rish people demand it, It is delusion to imagine that noral pressure alone will orce them to go. British mperialism will have to be arced out by a political nobilisation of the working lass in theleadership of the ational struggle. o find a way out of econmic decline and the vicious ircle of violence in Northorn eland requires an immedite end to British repressin and a declaration from le Westminster parliament lat it intends to withdraw I a specific time from all terference in Irish affairs, olitical, military and econmic; thus opening the way or the Irish working people orth and south, to deterine what future political nd economic structures e needed to best serve sir interests. Movement may secure, it is not an talism ir Ireland. republicans " ains intrests'. This renlly Is a quite amazing statement. The 26 counties is formally indepena sham, The ruling class in the south has the same basic intrests as capitalists in any part of the world.

when the interests of the capitalist class require it, national independence goes out the window. Any real struggle for self-determination will have talists including the pseudo- republican Fianna Fail. Stalinist Line see a for that section of the capitalist class who back Flanna Fall. Flowing frpo this the CPI believes nothing should be done to undermine the po- Stalinist schema will be part of a The winning of a British declaration of intent to withdraw is of major importance because it would remove from the Unionist leadership the major weapon by which it main- Tains the division of the working class in the North, the so-called guarantee of union with Britain. Such an attack on Unionism's Ideological base would do much to develop the political unity of the working class of all Ireland, that is essential if the Irish people's struggle for self-determination and social emancipation is to be successfully concluded. The call for a British declar ation of intent to withdraw and for the establishment of democracy in the North is the key element in breaking the dead weight of Brit- Bin's control. It can be supported by broad sections of the labour movement and democratic opinion in the three major areas of political action - in the South, the North and in Britain. At the same time support can be sought for it internationally. For we should remember that the socialist doctrine teaches all men are brothers, that the same red blood of a common humanity flows in the veins of all races, creeds colours and nations, that the interests of labour are everywhere identical, and that wars are an abomination. Connolly himself pointed out that the socialist of class and the importance of ita indepenent organisation. Consequently whatever political advances the Republican adequate instrument for building soc- Bree's second major error centres on the 26 counties. He writes that the sim of destabilising the Republic of Ireland(sic) would in fact objectively strengthen imperialism's position in Ireland, by further tilting the balance of forces in Britdent, but this independence is purely to confront the Southern cap- The CPI however following the classic progressive role sition of these exploiters, who in the coalition of classes who will complete another country is a fellow patriot, as the capitalist of ones own country is a natural enemy. And as we in the socialist, republican and progressive movement in Ireland support the campaig ns of the peoples in El Salvador, South Africa, Chile, Palestine, in their struggle for freedom and national liberation we know too, that our brothers and sisters internationally will support our struggle. Today we have gathered to honour, in particular, the memory of Bobby Sands and his colleagues who died on hunger strike but I think that it is only right that we should also remember the more than 2,000 others who have died in Ireland and Britain, as a result of the violence of the past 14 years and indeed the countless others who have died in cach generation. It is my dream that my child rens" generation and their children in tum, will have the opportunity of growing up in a free Ireland where human life will be treated with the respect it deserves and where exploitation, aborted in 1921. It was following in the early 70s that left the Salvador Allence'a Unidad Popular that -followed. italista is to totally disarm the Irish working class. agree with us in tefecting Bree's positions.Unfortunately, while the following of the CPI 1s ency. 26 counties wes until social insecurity and injustice will be a thing of the past.

Others before them were young. They died a senseless death, British imperialism destroyed tham in their the national democtatic revolution this schema In Chile door open for the m!litary coup against Goveroment and che 10 years of brutal tepression of the workers and peasents.

The 1981 hunger strike should have provided proof 1f needed, that when imperialism snaps its fingers, Charles Haughey alts up as quickly as Garret Fitzgerald. To place any confidence in Pianna Pail or the Southern cap- These are serious differences between Declan Bree and Peoples Denocracy.

We belleve that many militants inside and cutside the Republican movt we also know quite small, the view that the Republican Movement Is "sectartan" and the belief that there is a progressive.

bourgeois nationalist section of the ruling class have much greater curr- Indeed to be fair, Bree's view of the recently also the practical policy of the Republican Movement. Rejection of that policy 1f prime. Others at our side are, young. Imperialism is cheating them of the best years, spoiling their youth. This need not be so. We know who they are that do not the workers of Chis task. be heard, and to be answered by History an organisation without finally road without creating monolithic machine that Stalinists have used themaelves and which Were that to happen with the Republican movement, we wocid /11 be the want an and to misery, injustice, violence and despair. We call them by name - Margaret Thatcher and the forces of British imperialism. strategy in the South will be a major gain for the anti-imperialist move- Gerry Adams at Bodenstown stressed the decisive Importance of winning inperialism, that is an enormous and challenging task. We will have to openly and comradely discuss with workers who share illusions similar to Bree and the Communist Party, and to convince these workers through a combination of political propaganda.

and the concrete experience of antiimperiallat leadership of the struggles of working people, that Socialist Republicanism Is the road forward.

Freedom of expression and organisation are preconditions for succeeding in That's why Peoples Democracy defenda Declan Bree's right to anti-Imperialists. Relfance on 'bully -boy tactles such as seen at Mullagtmore has another danger of particular importance to republican militants.

shows that it is not possible to suppress dissent outside suppressing it within the organisation Republican militants can't take this the sort of they appear to disagree with so violently.

First international Women and Work TURIN- The first conference of women from industrialised countries on theme of women and work was held here on April 23-25. The aim of the conference was to look at all aspects of women's work, inside and outside the home, and women's wotk in relationship to thei The preparation of the conference, and the discussion that took place at it, reflected a compromise between these two positions. The preparatory papers and the workshop discussions covered a broad range of topics: Wage-caring wo- Self-employment or in men, omen in Self-managed Work, Domestie Labour, Social Services and New Technology, services run by women, were the topics of the first day's workshop. second day the ception, Cutture, Feminism and power/ Women and politics, Trade unions and feminions.

WOMEN AND WORK

The conference set out with the aim of ing what has changed over the last as in the relationship between woand their work. There is some basic statistical Information which provides a starting point, Women represent an evergrowing percentage, indeed majority of, the inerase in the active workforce available. This is particularly the case for the 25-35 oge range, which was previously characterised by a sharp drop in the number of women working as it was the prime period for childbeatie inerase in the avalable work.

force has not been matched by an increase in the jobs available, except in the service sector. There has been an in. crease In the number of women looking for Jobs, and an increase in the number of unemployed women. For example, In the Common Market countries the number of women unemployed rose from 1.1 million in 1975 to 4,3 million in 1982.

The increase in educational opportunitles for women has increased expecta tions in regard to jobs, but jobs taken often require a lower level of skills and qualifications than women have.

impact of the women's movement has also increased awareness among broad lavers of women - leading them to. see themselves as individuals.

ployed workers, rather than anonymous housewives. This has stimulated them to Geht for their own Independence, Includ- Ing economic independence, despite the sacrifices this can entail. But how will This is an abridged version of an article which appeared in the June 27 Issue of INTERNATIONAL VIEWPOINT.

this awareness and radicalisation survive the blows inflicted by the ruling class the determination to make the working class pay for the crisis?

COMMON FEATURES IN

ATTACKS ON WOMEN

up in the title The contributions by women from so many different countries helped to pro- Women and duce a clearer understanding of the way in which these attacks are being carried out. A clear picture emerged despite the different political situations, common elements countries: there is a generalised attack on' employment, which most severely attacks the weakest part there is an increase in part-time work under different forms (eg On the Wednesdays' in

AND TRUS

ne but on call le Ce commercial sector in Italy, working only those days of the week or times of the year when demand is heavy), spreading Tamily wage" dents allowances and unemployment benefits or job favouring for the 'heads of families'.

This latter point is illustrated by the example of Italy where at the same time aB there is a severe attack on the Inflathe often tion-indexing of wages in general, goverment have increased allowances for dependents.

The trade have agreed to this trade-off.

similar developments in Spain.

apati through te rope pa nee campaigns throughout Europe value private and family life. In this context part-time work is often put forward as a means of women reconciline their role as mother homemaker and worker.

Again, on a European-wide level there are cuts in publie spending, with obvious consequences on jobs sector - where many women are employed, and on the quality of life for women.

This puts pressure on women to retur to the family and drop out of the active work force and social involvement.

The Another common feature came ont in looking at how the ships respond to the effect of the crisis.

They base their perspectives on what B "possible', what is compatible with the as unemcapitalist system. Thus, it is extremely difficult to get union bodies to take up women's real needs. This was the common framework to the discussion at the conference, despite Are you looking for work?

there were in all the European of the workforce: divergent approaches. the free France, remaining at as In tbe of the This proposal concept through increasing depenopportunities groups and the and workers The main themes decrees agreed at Turin are: unions and political parties and economic independence There are of pay. in the service wide women's demonstration.

sation. trade-union leadermove ahead in this perspective.

Are you a heusewife? conference on the different experiences and different ways of expression that continually arose during the three days. The basic premise of each discussion, whether on personal identity or new teehnology, was the economie crisis although there were many

WOMEN AGAINST THE CRISIS - A

EUROPEAN CAMPAIGNING SLOGAN

to come out of the conference was to launch an international campaign on the slogan "Women against the Crisis".

NAME:

came from several Belgian women who have been involved in the Helgian women's campaigo Femmes contre la crise" over the last three years. Joint activity between women's union rank and fie laid the basis for the campaign which has now won the participation of the major unions and progressive political parties.

of the campaign - defence of women's right to work - opposition to governmental and employers policies which discriminate against or particularly affect women opposition to part-lime work, for a shorter working week with no loss The proposed activilies for this campaign were to hold an international Tribunal in Belgium in March 1984 on all forms of sexual discrimination women confront at work, and later a European- Despite all the differences of approach and opinion the conference marked a step forward in translating what women feel today into forms of struggle and organi- After initial besitation, the participants expressed their desire to organsie to involve other women, to undertake broadly based actions, to broaden their Jeld of activity. Now we have to.

D. ERBA and R. CARBONI JOIN Pd.

NOW

ADDRESS:

WRITE TO:

HORIZON BOOKS, AVOCA PARK,

ANDERSONSTOWN, BELFAST

PLOUGH BOOKS

3 BELVEDERE PLACE, DUBLIN 1.

EDUCATION

FOR

SOCIALISTS

Due to lack of space, this article has had to be held over until the next issue,

GERRY FOLEY, the editor of intemational Viewpoint, a fortnightly news review published under the auspices of the Fourth International, recen dy visited Ireland. He gave the following interview to John Meehan about the political crisis in Poland.

SR: Recently martial law has been lifted in Poland.

It looks like a very formal move, Would you see a paralle/ between that now legislation and so called emergency legisiation' in Ireland.? GF: In a very general sense the two situations are similar. No repressive state can rest on force alone, Political deception, and the ability to win at least the resignat ion of a substantial section of the population, is essential also. Any dictatorship will make moves to try and legitimise itself, It will try to reassure sections of the population that it rules on the basis of law. When internment was withdrawn in the North of Ireland during the mid "70s the repressive system was made more selective and effective.

But many people had big illusions, It took the build-up of the H Block campaign ant the hunger strikes to destroy those illusions, The result then was much broader and more massive opposition to the legitimacy of the system In Poland you have the question - What does a retum to democracy mean in a totalitarian regime? The Soviet Union in the past year has not had martial law. Was repression any less total in the Soviet Union than it was in Poland? Of course not. So the lifting of martial law in Poland has a clearly formal character.

and there is much less possibility of deceiving people, as happened in the North of Ireland when internment was dropped, In International Viewpoint No 19 (December 1982) we published the transcript of an internal report given to leaders of the Polish United Workers' Party (PUWP - the Polish Communist Party) in Wroclay. Tadeusz Poretski, a member of the PUWP's political bureau, explained that: 'in raising or suspending the state of war we will give special powers to the government. I'm thinking for example of the militarisation of the enterprises as a way of strengthening the discipline of the workers, proclaiming a state of emergency in cert.

ain areas throughout the country, .... but formally, the state of war will be lifted," It's also clear from this transcript that the PUWP interided to lift martial law on the first anniversary of its introduction - last Dec-.

ember |3th 1982, Thair tim.

Poland Today etable got knocked off by 7 months. That indicates how difficult they found it to even carry out a formal manoeuvre. They feared that a lower level of intimidation might stimulate opposition rather than make people more ready to tolerate the totalitarian We could publish the transcript because Solidarnose people got a hold of it, which shows they were part of a mass movement with people in every walk of life in Polish society, The transcript was published in the underground press so the intentions of the gowernment are quite well known. I doubt if the lifting of martial law will be an effective boost for the Jaruzelski regime. SR: The Pope's recent trip to Poland exposed the contradictions of the Cathalic hierarchy's policy. Osservatore Romano, the Vatican's official news.

paper, was obliged to sack Father Virgilio Levi for suggesting that Lech Waless and Solidamose should be abandoned. What does he represent? GF: It is clear that he reflects the Catholle Church s point of view on the situation in Poland. The basiç orientation is to manoeuvre with the regime, to try and get some kind of a deal, to re-establish social peace. That means sacrificing the mass movement to some extent. The Church is: prepared to do that. Father Lavi was quickly fired, 1 Simpect, because the Pope knows that this Church attitude is well known in Poland. It is widely discuss ed, particularly among the Solidarity leaders. To state so boldly that Lech Walesa would have to be sacrificed, even before Walesa himselt could decide if that was his own wish, or before he could justify such a move to his rank and file, would have created an instant scandal. The Church's relationship with both the underground movement and the masses would have beun undermined. The Catholie Church institutions in Poland and Ireland have differing social structures. In Ireland it is part and parcel of the ruling class. Its personnel comes from the privileged classes.

In Poland the Church has no social roots. Its traditio nal social base in the aristocracy and boumgeoisle was destroyed when the country became a deformed workers state after World War If. So the Church's. institutional roots are very shallow. People tend to Took to the Church as an alternative to the totalitarian regime. It, at least, is a little bit human. It has some relationship with the masses of people that depends on mutual respect and not foros, terror and lies. If the Church makes a political mistake it can be devastating in a very short period of time, That's not like Ireland, where the Church has set its face against the mass movement.

time after time in the most scandalous way without suffering major damage. SR: Now have the Communist Parties been affected by the rise of Solidarnose? GF: The repression in Paland today, brutal as it is, is pretty small potatoes compared with the USSR in the 1930's under Stalin; hundreds of thousands, maybe millions of people killed the show trials - that type of thing is not happening today in Eastern Europe. In the 1930's the circumstances were exceptional. The international workers' move ment did not understand the qualitative change in the Bolshevik party after the death of Lenin, the Stalin regime continued to have some of the aura of the Russian Revolution, and it was felt that the Stalin regime was not as bad as the Nazis. Progressive opinion and the international workers movement tended to look the other way if they saw Stalin's crimes. 1091 1991 9S International Viewpoint Since then there is much broader understanding about the repressive side of Stalinism. Even the most pro-Moscow Communist parties in Western Europe find it hard to defend Stalinist repression in Poland.

In all the anti-bureaucratic political revolutions since the East Berlin uprisings of 1953 the Communist Parties have been hit very hard. The crushing of the Czechoslovakian Prague Spring in August 1968 drove deep unhealed wounds into the CP's. A new mass movement, or even a more bloody crushing of it, or a political revolution, would be a definitive disaster for the international Stalinist movement, It would damage the big Western European Communist Parties in France, Italy, Portugal and Spain and would also weaken the legitimacy of the bureau cracy in the Soviet Union itself. The impact on the CP's was much greater during the rise of Solidarity.

Now it's more like a running sore. Take for example - Canada.

The May Day demonstrat ions are supported by the trades union movement in general but are organised by the CP. On the last May

INTERVIEW WITH

GERRY FOLEY EDITOR OF

INTERNATIONAL VIEWPOINT

Day they tried to exclude a pro-Solidarity contingent from the demonstration. That caused a tremendous political scandal. That weakened the CP's position in the labour movement. SR: Do Polish workers see links between their struggles and the Irish national movement? GF: There was a very strong strong identification with the hunger strike in Poland that was the period when Solidarosc was legal. Many young people developed a radical version of traditional Polish nationalism. I was esked for books about Ireland wherever I went. Bobby Sands prison diaries were in big demand. 1 spoke to a natiorial convention of committees for the release of political prisoners in Poland about the hunger strikers. I was asked to do that by the organisers of the Convention. What I said in support of the hunger strikers was very well received.

SR: How widegroad is the Fourth Intamational's (FI) practical solidarity work?

Has it been confined zo Western Europe? GF: The Fourth Interational (Fl) has done a lot of solidarity work on A fortnightly journal of world politics News analysis, important documents and information on the world workers movement.

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Poland, I was in France when martial law was declared on December I3 198l.

The French section of the Fl. The Ligue Communiste Revolutionnaire (LCR) played a very prominent role in all of the demonstrations supporting Solidar nosc. They concentrated on building support inside The French trades union: movement. For the first time opposition developed inside the CP led union, the CGT (General Confederation of Labour) against the line of the leadership. This, to some extent, reflected the LCR's success in developing an influence in the trades union movement. Before the outlawing of Solidamose the Fl in Europe played a large role in sending trades union and professional delegations to Poland, The Fl s role became quite well known in Polandi. We began publication of ajournal in Polish • Imprakor • around the martial law. This has been circulated clandestinely.

It is widely enough known to be a factor in the political debates within Solidar- For the first time there have been significant struggles against Stalinist repression Inside Third World countries Remember that democracy is often here today, gone tomorrow' in the poorer regions of the world. The pressure of hunger and absolute deprivation is so strong that people have tended not to fuel a great deal of sympathy with others who are just denied democratic rights in the bureaucratised workers' states. That's under standable but narrow. It is important to overcome it.

The Mexican section of the Fl the PRT Revolutionary Workers" Partyl played a leacing role in the demonstrations supporting Solidam osc. The most significant demonstrations in support of the Polish workers outside the advanced capitalist countries oocurred in Latin America.

* SOCIALIST REPUBLIC

TAKE THE CAMPAIGN ONTO THE STREETS

Make Sure its a'NO'Vote

IN THE RUN UP TO

REFERENDUM DAY

ON SEPTEMBER 7th opponents of the Constitutional amendment will be pulling out all the stops for a "No" votel In mid- August, a four-week country-wide drive against the amendment will be launched by the campaign.

This final effort will kick off with a series of press conferences, featuring doctors, lawyers, politic .

lans, socially involved groups, trade unionists, feminists each in tum detailing their reasons for opposing the amendment. This will au minste in mars meetings held simultane cusly in major cities in the 26 counties on a selected night before voting day. The campaign has covered a lot of ground and has spread far and wide. It has been of great importance that women in particular have come together to defend themselves. Who would have thought a year ago that such a referendum could be defeated? It has been brought to peoples notice that such on attack on womens rights cannot be tolerated and enshrined in the constitution. It must be emphasised that the Catholic church cannot assume moral responsibility for the entire nation. This aspect has been taken up by the AAC with great gusto, but there has been less emphasis on the relationwhich has been at the centre of the struggles. fought in the past in Ireland and will continue to be an obstacle to social progress unless it is taken up politically whenever it rears its head, We should be under no illusion that the pulpit will be used to urge people to vote against democratic rights on this issue, in the same way that it has been used on divorce and contraception and the issue of "illegitimate" children. Ending that interference remains a central political fight for all progressive forces. This has been a key lesson of the antiamendment campaign. The experience of fighting to build a broad-based democratic campaign holds another lesson for the future. The fight to stop the rightwing offensive of SPUC and PLAC has brought together the widest coalition of political forces ever seen in the history of this state.

And despite the official absence of Sinn Fein the Involvment of some individual members who have Joined the campaign in the last few weeks is to be welcomed. Peoples Democracy arqued from the first days of the campaign for a broad-based united front. We raised the need for political representation for every current on the • main bodies ot the camp in Than a treesar!

POBLACHT SHOISIALACH

SEPTEMBER

and allow different current: to propose their strabegy for victory in full open view of all campaign This is what we. activists. fought for with some success in the H-Block campaign. Unfortunately the leadership of the Anti-amendment campaign think they can build a broad campaign while prohibiting the expression of views of important sections of the campaign. This censor ship, worse still, is totally one-sided. Opponents of the amendment who also oppose abortion are totally free to emphasise this aspect of their views but the supporters of 'A Womens Right to Choose are supposed to kaep silent. While there are no surprises in this practice of the campaign steering committee it is outrageous that at the last conference sections of the left supported a recommendation that the "Right to choose" voice should be silent up to Sept.7th. The adoption of this reccomendation is a serious threat to the unity of the campaign. Peoples Democracy agrees with and accepts the platform of the AAC. Right to Choose supporters. 7ththeir tactics to working on the AAC platform and organising separate and independent propaganda. This is correct and entirely acceptable within the context of a broad based paign. Those, especially of the left, who attempted to restrict political rights and therefore avoid the thomy question of abortion, are being politically opport unistic and are getting it wrong, Abortion is on the political agenda today because SPUC and PLAC put it there. Not everybody in the antiamendment campaign is required to have the same opinion. But those who see the right to choose as as the only real solution to the dilemma of Irish women have the right to say so, We base our view on the actual choice that Irish women already make.

No suspension of democracy can cover-up this fact of life. What is mone It is the compelling reality that for many Irish women society makes abortion the only viable option that ensures that the fight for the 'Right to choose will go on until this democratic right is asserted.

ALL OUT FOR

SEPTEMBER 7thl

MAKE SURE ITS A 'NO'

Paper of PEOPLES' DEMOCRACY

DES BONASS ATGWU

Executive Member • Dublin Trades Council. I'm voting NO because the last thing the working class needs right now is this amendment. This whole thing was started by a right wing minority. And the politicians jumped, nervous of the Church's attitude and influence. Barry Desmond - Labour Minister for Health - in particular was one of the first to support SPUC and the pro-life lobby. There was no popular demand for this. Women of child bearing age have rents, mortgages bills and families to worry about. They don't need this! Having children is an economic as well as a moral or social choice, that's a fact and its women who can best decide. That's why I'll be voting NO!

HELEN MAHONY

TUI Conference delegate (Teachers Union of Ireland) T'm against the amendment because its an attempt to penalise, terrorise and isolate women, particularly those thousands of women who go to Britain for abortions each year, Its also an attempt to stem the fight for democratic rights, like contraception and divorce.

EDDIE CONLON:

National Organiser for the Anti-Amendment Campaign The amendment is about fighting these people who want to drive women back into the home and tie them forever to the kitchen sink.

Its about challenging the church and state and the way they try to control our lives and our bodies Its about challenging the ideas and the vicious attacks which are now going on against workers.living standards.

Its about attacking those would cynically use the amendment to divert attention from cuts, unemployment and high taxation. Voting NO is saying we have Identification purposes

WHY WE ARE

VOTING NO!

ROSA MEEHAN

UCD Students Union Welfare Officer I think women should have total control over their own sexuality. This is especially important for women students and for young people generally since the one way or the other the outcome of the vote on September 7th will have tremendous impli ications for the kind of Ireland we will have to live in. Young people and stud ents on their holidays shou- Id put all their offorts into defeating this amendment.'

Mary O'Donnell ITGWU, Limerick The trade union movement has always been to the forefront in advocating equality for women not just in work but other areas as well. So it was im portant that the ICTU Congress should have so clearly backed the Executive's statement of opposition to the Amendment. While the referendum may seem to many as irrelevant and therefore harmless, I believe it is a dangerous opening shot aiming at creating fear amongst women which will fit in nicely with attacks on living standards at this time 9 NO That's why I'my:

NELL MCCAFFERTY

Journalist and Author of The Armagh Women". *First and foremost I will vote against the amendment because I support abortic 1 rights for women. The constitutional amendment shows a callous disregard for life beyond the womb. Anyone serlously interested in ensuring food, shelter and a full life for women and their children would be campaigning for one family - one home, a which led to the amendment weekly wage for women.

I beliere that women left to themselves will make absolutely the right decision about pregnancies. It is not with power and privilege who for me or anyone to tell them what to do. Orgenisations stated for