Ireland and the Fourth International

Papers, journals and pamphlets of the Fourth International's supporters in Ireland, 1969–1996

The Provo Ard Fheis

In The Plough: Vol. 2 no. 13, c. October 1974 · scan page 3 · about 509 words

Republicanism and the IRALoyalism and unionismPartition and the national question

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Perhaps the most crucial situation in the whole five years of struggle now faces the nationalist population in the six counties. The spectre of a Loyalist take-over with a major confrontation between the minority and Orangeism becomes increasingly inevitable. It is in this context that we must judge the Ard Fheis of Provisional Sinn Fein, the largest anti-imperialist organisation in the Six counties.

Evaded issues In the circumstances one would naturally expect that the crucial issues facing the struggle would be debated. Any delegates who wanted such a debate must have been sorely disappointed, What transpired was a gathering that gave little in the line of concrete direction or leadership to the struggle, north or south of the border. Two of the primary questions faced today — the organisation of mass resistance to a Loyalist takeover and the broadening of the fight against repression in the South, were barely even discussed. This is indeed a strange position for such an organisation, something which needs some explaining.

Passivity of delegates For an organisation which has been to the forefront of the struggle to evade such issues is obviously an extreme weakness. The explanation lies both in the leadership and the structure of Provisional Sinn Fein. All though . the Ard Fheis the rank and file delegates showed an unwillingness to confront either the problems that are posed at the moment or the leadership, who were treated with deference, as if they were beyond criticism.

The leadership The leadership of Sinn Fein has always had a pragmatic approach to the situation in Ireland, treating each problem as it arose in a very haphazard fashion. Their attitude to the Boal Plan, the UWC strike and Loyalists in general and their inability to deal with problems in the south are examples of that. They have never had the ability to approach the struggle from a socialist standpoint because they are ingrained with the outlook of their origins i.e. the lower middle class. Although the Provisional Sinn Fein is a revolutionary tendency, although its leadership’s integrity is proven and beyond doubt they have failed to break with middle-class concepts of politics and organisations. .Unlike Connolly, Lawlor or Tone, they have never learned to place their trust in the “‘men of no property”. This adherence of the leadership to middle-class concepts is amply reflected in the structure of the organisation.

Organisation structure Because problems are tackled as they arise the rank and file has no real say in political decisions. The movement isn’t guided by a revolutionary programm which is constantly being applied, * tested and criticised by the rank and file. Thus the lack of political discussion at Cumainn meetings was reflected in the general passivity of the membership at the Ard Fheis. The party Structure of Sinn Fein is akin to that of any other establishment party e.g. Labour Party, where all the real decisions are taken by the party hierarchy — the membership merely acting as a rubber stamp to enhance the prestige of the Ruairi O Brddaigh .

### Left confusion

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