New Wave of Class Struggle

A new wave of strikes have rocked Spain, focusing on the discontent of broad sections of the population. The mass movement in Spain, its morale boosted by the collapse of the dictatorships in Portugal and Greece, is now mobilizing to confront Franco’s dictatorship with the most serious threat in the 35 years of its existance. The present upsurge is, however, much more than a reaction to international events but represents a major crisis in Franco’s regime or, rather, the convergence of two major crises.

The political crisis of Francoism The economic and social structures from which Francoism arose in the thirties, have undergone many changes since then, yet there has not been the corresponding changes in the political structures. As a result considerable sections of the capitalist class believe that the dictatorship does not take enough account of their interests while it is over-sensitive to the interests of backward sections of the bourgeoisie, la ndowners the officer caste etc. The “liberal” sectors of the bourgeoisie, generally those most integrated in the international and particularly the EEC markets, want to Europeanize the regime so as to bring it into line with the “democratic strong states” of the common market on the model of Gaullist France. The conflict between the “Jiberal’”’ and the “‘conservative” wings of the dictatorship has been given greater urgency by their realisation that Franco, despite being infallible is not immortal and may in fact drop off at any time. The succession problem created by his impending demise is made more acute by the fact that there is no one person and no institution with the authority or power to preserve intact conflict between the workers movement and the are lining up.

(e.g. Common Market countries and the U.S.A.)

unlikely that a strengthening of the dictatorships right-wing or an increase in the level of repressior. the whole world. Their failure then was primarily their reformist leadership. But instead of learning working class.

only abandon the dictatorship when it is already itself with the C.P. for a period while it regrouped supposition that the masses, and particularly the revolutionary solution to the crisis of Francoism layer of advanced workers, that has broken with i based. The L.C.R.-E.T.A. (V.I.) was formed after and one wing of the Basque Nation and Freedom severe social and economic problems. :

The second alternative is one of reconversion, i.e. one of narrowing the limits of production; making huge rationalisation, with the elimination of many subsidiary areas of. production. Caught in the contradictions between actual problems and possible solutions, a future of mass unemployment faces Italian society.

What solutions?

It is quite obvious that the ruling class is surviving on partial solutions implemented through various political formations. Behind these solutions various political groups and sections of employers There are sections who, while not supporting an extreme solution of a turn towards fascism are moving towards the establishment of the strong state. The growth of these elements is best reflected in the penetration of state”’nvervention into defective areas of industry with heavy subsidization. Also the lower of the specific weight of the private industrial sectors is reflected in the movement of certain elements towards a solution that incorporates layers of the left labour and social democratic movement, in particular the Communist Party. The possibility of implementing this type of solution is given great credibility by the direct collaboration of the C.P. with various wings of the ruling class. This whole shift of the C.P. is given a material basis by the greatly increased weight of the “pettybourgeoise”. For example, one professional category ‘of employment which has greatly increased has been teachers, where from 1951, 325,000 teachers employed rose to 700,000 in 1974.

The rate of unemployment has increased by 140,000 over just one year. The middle layers are being squeezed; the general worsening of their economic and social situation has encouraged these strata of society to look for “‘solutions’’. Several are looking towards the left, i.e. the ‘reformist left, which want not to revolutionise society just to radically reform it. Smaller sections are inevitably turning towards the extreme tight and ultimately pose a great danger to the Historic compromise Since 1969 the objective trend towards a total decline of Italian society has persisted. .

It is true to say however, that the strength of _ the working class remains intact. Blow-ups occur frequently, with the workers asserting their strength against frustration with ruling class solutions to their problems. There are frequent factory occupations, direct confrontations with intervening police etc. There are also wide expressions of discontent throughout various other layers of Italian society. Huge numbers of people, in protest against inflation, refuse to pay increases in tax, electricity etc. For several weeks, deadlock situations can exist, with vast sections of working people refusing to intervene directly against these protesting layers.

Up to now, the ruling class has imposed partial solutions, trying to bide-its time. Conditions have now ripened for an Historical Compromise. Various sections of the bourgeoisie are now in favour of integrating the left reformist currents into a bourgeois solution. But this integration will only intensify the crisis situation.

The next two years will be a decisive period in which the Italian working class can either push: forward to a revolutionary victory or be pushed backwards, either by the ruling class or by the collaboration of the C.P. in an attempt to stabilize the capitalist political and economic system. THE PLOUGH - PAGE 7